Daily Static Quiz Prelims Practice 2027
Option (c) is correct — under Section 7(1), a PIO must provide information within 30 days, reduced to 48 hours where life or liberty is concerned. Option (a) is wrong — the Act applies to "public authorities" (government-owned, controlled, or substantially financed bodies), not private companies generally. Option (b) is wrong — Section 8(2) provides a public interest override even for exempt information. Option (d) is wrong — the CIC is a statutory body under the Act, not a constitutional body.
- The Chief Information Commissioner and Information Commissioners are appointed by the President on the recommendation of a Committee consisting of the Prime Minister (Chairperson), the Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha, and a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister.
- As originally enacted, the CIC and ICs held office for a term of five years or until the age of 65, whichever was earlier.
- The RTI (Amendment) Act, 2019 removed the fixed five-year term for CIC and ICs and empowered the Central Government to prescribe their tenure and salaries by rules.
- The CIC's decisions can be challenged only before the Supreme Court of India and not before any High Court.
Statements 1, 2 and 3 are correct. Under Section 12(3), the President appoints the CIC and ICs on the recommendation of a committee of the PM, Leader of Opposition, and a nominated Cabinet Minister. As originally enacted, they served a fixed five-year term or until age 65, without reappointment eligibility. The RTI (Amendment) Act, 2019 removed this fixed tenure, empowering the Central Government to prescribe term, salary, and conditions by rules, a controversial change. Statement 4 is incorrect — CIC decisions can be, and routinely are, challenged before High Courts under Articles 226/227, not solely the Supreme Court.
Option (b) is correct — the Citizen's Charter is a voluntary, non-statutory transparency and accountability tool committing organisations to service standards and grievance redress, without legal enforceability. Option (a) is wrong — the RTI Act does not mandate Charters, and non-compliance carries no RTI penalty. Option (c) is wrong — the Charter concept was introduced in 1997 under the Conference of Chief Ministers, not by the Second ARC, which only reviewed and recommended improvements. Option (d) is wrong — Charters create no legally enforceable rights; separate State Right to Service Acts, not a central Charter, provide statutory remedies.
- Business associations like FICCI and CII are examples of sectional interest groups that seek to promote the interests of their members in policymaking.
- Pressure groups in India operate exclusively through constitutional means such as lobbying, petitions and public campaigns, and are prohibited by law from engaging in direct action.
- The distinction between a pressure group and a political party is that a pressure group does not contest elections or seek to capture political power directly.
- Public interest groups differ from sectional groups in that they aim to promote interests of sections of society other than their own membership.
Statements 1, 3 and 4 are correct. FICCI and CII are classic sectional interest groups representing member businesses' economic interests. Pressure groups differ from political parties precisely in not contesting elections or seeking political power directly. Public interest (promotional) groups aim to advance causes benefiting society at large, unlike sectional groups promoting only their members' interests. Statement 2 is incorrect — pressure groups aren't legally barred from direct action; strikes, bandhs, and demonstrations are well-documented tactics of trade unions and civil society groups in India.
Reason (R): E-Governance primarily affects the mode of service delivery and does not replace constitutional instruments of accountability such as parliamentary oversight, judicial review, and the RTI Act.
Both A and R are correct, and R explains A. Digital India (2015) transforms service delivery efficiency and transparency through platforms like Aadhaar, DigiLocker, UMANG, GeM, and PFMS, but citizens still hold government accountable through Parliament, courts, elections, and the RTI Act. R precisely articulates why: e-governance operates at the service-delivery layer, while accountability structures remain institutional and constitutional, directly explaining why technology enhances but doesn't substitute for these structural checks.
