The Hindu — UPSC Analysis
Thursday, 10 September 2026
Bengaluru City Edition · Vol. 57, No. 216 · Curated for Prelims & Mains | GS I · II · III · IV
📋 Today's Topics
- Hormuz tensions flare as Iran and the U.S. intensify strikesGS2 · GS3
- Brent crude crosses $100 — India's energy price exposureGS3
- India and Sri Lanka sign three defence sector MoUsGS2
- 18th BRICS Summit, intra-bloc trade and the de-dollarisation debateGS2 · GS3
- Census 2027 advanced in four States — the NPR and NRC questionGS2
- Preventive detention under scrutiny — NSA quashed, BNSS notice questionedGS2
- Marital rape — SC says the onus lies on the legislatureGS1 · GS2
- Centre opposes treating English as a 'native' languageGS2
- MHA proposes Chapter 'K' under Article 371 for LadakhGS2
- Gram Sabha consent under the Forest Rights Act — Ministry's memo contestedGS2 · GS3
- Registered unrecognised political parties and the funding questionGS2
- FSSAI's front-of-pack red warning and India's sugar problemGS2 · GS3
- Open waste burning triples in cities during winter — WRI India studyGS3
- 'Beyond Bengaluru' — a Karnataka powered by many economic enginesGS3 · GS1
- ISRO–ESA talks on human spaceflight, lunar and Venus missionsGS3
- Books, AI training data and the limits of 'fair use'GS3 · GS4
- Quick Prelims Revision (MCQ Bank)Prelims
- FAQsRevision
Hormuz tensions flare as Iran, U.S. intensify strikes
Context
Tensions between the United States and Iran flared again on Tuesday night after U.S. forces struck five Iranian oil tankers in retaliation for what Washington said was Tehran's attack on its warships near the Strait of Hormuz. Iran responded by firing a barrage of ballistic missiles at the U.S. base in Al-Azraq in Jordan and targeted at least 20 ships trying to pass through the Strait, according to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Brent crude futures breached $100 a barrel on Wednesday, for the first time since July 2024.
Background & Key Facts
- Second strike in a week: This is the second U.S. strike on Iranian oil tankers in less than a week. U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) said it was a direct response to Iran's attacks on American warships enforcing a naval blockade on Iranian ports.
- Vessels destroyed: CENTCOM said it destroyed the IRGC crude oil carriers M/T Kaviz, M/T Charminar, M/T Horizon 1 and M/T Riesco in the Gulf of Oman, as well as M/T Derya near Kharg Island. American forces directed the crews to abandon ship before the vessels were struck and rendered inoperable.
- New 'prohibited zone': The IRGC said its forces continue to exercise full control over the Strait. Per an AFP report, it added parts of the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea to a new "prohibited zone", with exact coordinates to be announced later. IRGC spokesperson Hossein Mohebi told state television that a vessel entering the area without coordination would be subject to Iranian sanctions.
- Iran's claims: The IRGC Navy said it targeted two U.S. vessels and eight oil tankers in the area, adding that 10 ships attempting to pass through "a prohibited and unsafe area" of the Strait were also targeted. CENTCOM said on Wednesday that no U.S. Navy warship had been hit.
- Strike on Jordan: After striking the U.S. base in Jordan (Muwaffaq Salti air base) on Tuesday night, the Guards said the "punitive operation" damaged maintenance and repair facilities, deployment locations and shelters for fighter jets. Jordan's army said it shot down 18 Iranian missiles targeting the kingdom.
- Earlier escalation: On September 5, CENTCOM announced it had destroyed three Iranian tankers after the IRGC launched missiles at a U.S. aircraft carrier and a guided-missile destroyer. On Tuesday, the IRGC claimed it had struck two U.S. Navy destroyers operating near the Strait.
- Timeline of the war: The war that the U.S. and Israel initially launched against Iran on February 28 has gone through phases of escalation and temporary respite over the past six months. The latest phase has seen both sides increasingly target oil tankers, opening a new front in the naval war.
- Trump's assessment: U.S. President Donald Trump said on Wednesday night he believes the war will end "immediately" after his country votes in midterm elections in November, because Iran "cannot hold out any longer". He accused Tehran of being "desperate to try and affect" the vote and said oil prices that spiked because of the war likely will not come down until after the midterms.
- Yemen front: Yemen's Houthi rebels reported dozens of Saudi air strikes on Wednesday. More than 40 attacks targeted several regions including the flashpoint areas of Taiz and Hodeida. Nearly 20,000 people have fled the fighting, according to the International Organization for Migration. Rescuers recovered four more bodies from a Houthi-run prison hit in an airstrike, raising that death toll to 23.
- Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia: A day earlier, the Houthis set oil sites ablaze and wounded 73 in their heaviest missile and drone attacks against Saudi Arabia in years. Saudi air strikes targeted areas across the governorates of Marib, Al-Jawf, Taiz and Hodeida, the rebels' Almasirah TV said. The Houthis control northern Yemen and parts of its Red Sea coast, have enforced a naval blockade of Saudi Arabia's western ports, and launched an offensive against Yemen's Saudi-backed government in Taiz and Mocha.
- IAEA action: The IAEA's Board of Governors on Wednesday reported Iran to the UN Security Council for the first time in 20 years, citing failure to cooperate in a long-running investigation into uranium traces detected by inspectors at undeclared sites. The resolution was put forward by the United States, Britain, France and Germany.
Geography of the Chokepoints
The Strait of Hormuz connects the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman. The Red Sea is a critical trade channel between Europe and Asia. With both remaining flashpoints, a horizontally escalating conflict from Tehran to Jordan and Riyadh to Bab-el-Mandeb threatens to plunge the entire region into an economic and security abyss.
Two instruments, applied together: The U.S., which in the recent past used intense military strikes and economic strangulation as separate policy tools to force Iran to surrender, is now using both simultaneously to exert maximum pressure. The naval blockade has largely prevented Iran from exporting oil, while the American naval escort to a limited number of ships out of Hormuz has helped Washington blunt the impact of Iran's chokehold on global energy prices.
Maximum pressure has not produced concessions: Iran instead escalated by attacking American warships outside the Persian Gulf, fully aware this would invite a stronger U.S. response. Tehran appears to believe it has a window of opportunity with the U.S. heading into midterm elections and Mr. Trump politically weak at home.
Capabilities not degraded: If Iran's strikes on U.S. vessels signal a decision at the top to escalate, its missile attack on U.S. bases in Jordan suggests Tehran has been rebuilding strike capabilities that Mr. Trump had claimed were destroyed.
Horizontal escalation: The Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia and the Riyadh response widen the conflict from a bilateral U.S.–Iran naval confrontation into a regional one spanning Jordan, the Red Sea and the Arabian Peninsula — precisely the pattern that converts a military crisis into a global economic shock.
- India must accelerate crude source diversification and expand strategic petroleum reserve capacity beyond current levels to buffer a prolonged Hormuz disruption.
- Operation Sankalp-type naval escort and maritime domain awareness deployments in the Gulf of Oman and Arabian Sea need to be sustained to protect Indian-flagged shipping and Indian crew.
- India's traditional de-hyphenated West Asia policy — simultaneous engagement with Iran, Israel and the Gulf — must be leveraged to press for de-escalation and to protect the roughly nine-million-strong Indian diaspora in the region.
- Chabahar and INSTC connectivity investments require contingency planning, since sanctions enforcement and naval blockades directly threaten their viability.
- Multilateral pressure through the IAEA and the UNSC should be paired with a credible off-ramp on the nuclear file, since coercion alone has demonstrably failed to produce Iranian concessions.
Strait of Hormuz Bab-el-Mandeb Kharg Island Gulf of Oman CENTCOM IRGC IAEA & UNSC referral Brent crude benchmark
MCQ: Strait of Hormuz and West Asian geography
With reference to the maritime geography of West Asia, consider the following statements:
- The Strait of Hormuz connects the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman.
- Kharg Island is Iran's principal crude oil export terminal located in the Persian Gulf.
- The Bab-el-Mandeb strait links the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Global oil prices surge over $100 a barrel as West Asia tensions escalate
Context
Benchmark Brent Crude futures (November) spiralled to a more than three-and-a-half-month high of $101.55 a barrel on Tuesday as renewed tensions in West Asia were fuelled further by Iran and the United States resorting to a violent quid pro quo exchange on each other's ships.
Background & Key Facts
- Brent: At the time of writing late Wednesday evening, benchmark Brent Crude futures were trading 3.6% higher over the previous close at $101.43 per barrel.
- WTI: West Texas Intermediate futures had also soared 3.6% higher over its previous close, at $96.44 per barrel.
- Indian basket: According to government data, India's crude oil basket was averaging $108.91 per barrel on September 8.
- Under-recoveries: Prashant Vashisht, Senior Vice President and Co-Group Head, Corporate Sector Ratings at ICRA, observed that at current benchmark prices until September, petrol and diesel were incurring under-recoveries of ₹5 per litre and ₹23 per litre respectively, while under-recoveries on domestic LPG stood at ₹200 per cylinder.
- Strategic reserves: ICRA noted that if the current geopolitical situation persists, crude prices could rise further given that several countries including China were tapping their strategic reserves for a significant proportion of consumption — and their return to the market could increase demand amid restricted supplies.
- An export opening: According to shipping data from Vortexa and Kpler, drone and missile attacks on Saudi Aramco's Jizan refinery have offered prospects for Indian refiners to export and meet emerging diesel demand in Europe. Exports surged to about 120,000 barrels per day in August.
- India's exposure: India, the world's third-largest oil importing country, is particularly exposed to swings in international crude prices. For now, retail petrol and diesel prices remain frozen for over three months.
The fiscal transmission channel: Frozen retail prices amid $100-plus crude means the shock is absorbed by oil marketing companies' balance sheets rather than by consumers. Sustained under-recoveries of ₹23 a litre on diesel eventually convert into either a subsidy bill, weaker OMC capital expenditure, or a delayed price pass-through — none of them costless.
Twin deficit pressure: A crude spike widens the current account deficit, weakens the rupee, and raises imported inflation, complicating the RBI's policy calculus. The Indian basket trading above Brent reflects the loss of discounted Russian barrels and a heavier freight-and-insurance premium in a war-risk environment.
A partial silver lining: Disruption at Jizan creates a refining margin opportunity for Indian refiners exporting diesel to Europe. This cushions the import bill somewhat but is an unreliable windfall dependent on continued conflict.
- Expand Strategic Petroleum Reserve capacity and consider commercial filling arrangements to hedge against prolonged supply disruption.
- Accelerate ethanol blending, biofuels, green hydrogen and EV adoption to structurally lower crude intensity of GDP.
- Rationalise excise duties countercyclically so that fiscal buffers built during low-price phases can absorb high-price phases.
- Deepen long-term supply contracts with West African, Latin American and U.S. suppliers to reduce dependence on a single chokepoint.
Brent vs WTI Indian crude basket Under-recovery Strategic Petroleum Reserve Current Account Deficit
MCQ: Crude oil benchmarks and India's basket
Consider the following statements regarding crude oil pricing:
- The Indian crude basket is a derived benchmark reflecting the average of sour-grade and sweet-grade crudes in the proportion India imports them.
- West Texas Intermediate is a lighter and sweeter crude than Brent and typically trades at a discount to it.
- An "under-recovery" arises when the retail selling price is held below the cost-plus price of the fuel.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
India, Sri Lanka sign three defence sector MoUs during Rajnath's visit
Context
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Wednesday pledged India's continued support to Sri Lanka during a meeting with Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Colombo, as the two countries inked three Memoranda of Understanding on defence equipment and training. This is the first visit by an Indian Defence Minister to Sri Lanka in nearly 40 years.
Background & Key Facts
- The three MoUs: They pertain to the upgradation of L70 Guns for the Sri Lankan Air Force, and cooperation between the National Cadet Corps and the National Defence Colleges of the two countries.
- Preceded by 2025 agreements: The agreements come over a year after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Sri Lanka in 2025, when seven MoUs including an overarching defence sector agreement were signed.
- Scope of talks: The Presidential Media Unit said the two sides held "extensive discussions on further strengthening the existing defence, economic, maritime and regional partnerships between India and Sri Lanka".
- Drug trafficking: President Dissanayake briefed Mr. Singh on Sri Lanka's recently-launched islandwide programme to combat drug trafficking.
- Security assurance: An official release from the Indian government said the President recalled his interactions with Mr. Modi and reiterated that "Sri Lanka would never allow its territory to be used for any activities inimical to India's security interests".
- Sri Lanka's framing: The President's office said he emphasised that Sri Lanka makes decisions "taking into consideration both national and regional interests", and that, as a sovereign State, Sri Lanka enters into various agreements with countries around the world while remaining mindful of regional security.
- Fisheries: The statement from his office added that the leaders paid "special attention" to the fisheries issue in the Palk Strait.
Defence as the new pillar: A four-decade gap in ministerial-level defence visits reflects how sensitive military cooperation has historically been in India–Sri Lanka ties since the IPKF experience. Institutionalising cooperation through the NCC and National Defence Colleges is deliberately low-threat capacity building rather than platform transfer — it builds constituencies rather than dependencies.
The China subtext: Colombo's careful language about sovereignty and "regional interests" preserves its space to engage China even while assuring India. The security assurance is significant but non-binding; the real test remains port calls by Chinese research and surveillance vessels.
Palk Strait irritant persists: The fisheries dispute — arrests of Tamil Nadu fishermen, bottom trawling, and the Katchatheevu question — remains the single most politically combustible bilateral issue and was flagged only as receiving "special attention", not resolution.
- Operationalise the Joint Working Group on fisheries with a phased transition away from bottom trawling and a licensing framework, rather than episodic release of detained fishermen.
- Convert the Colombo Security Conclave into a functioning maritime domain awareness architecture covering India, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Bangladesh.
- Pair defence cooperation with visible economic delivery — energy, connectivity, digital public infrastructure — so that security ties are not perceived in Colombo as one-directional.
- Sustain support for Sri Lanka's post-crisis economic recovery and its 13th Amendment commitments to preserve goodwill among Tamil constituencies.
Palk Strait L70 Gun National Cadet Corps Colombo Security Conclave Katchatheevu
MCQ: India–Sri Lanka geography and cooperation
Consider the following statements:
- The Palk Strait separates the Indian State of Tamil Nadu from the northern province of Sri Lanka.
- The Gulf of Mannar lies to the south of Rameswaram and Adam's Bridge.
- The Colombo Security Conclave is a maritime security grouping whose founding members included India, Sri Lanka and the Maldives.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
18th BRICS Summit: intra-bloc trade rises and the de-dollarisation debate sharpens
Context
Reducing global dependence on the U.S. dollar is expected to be a key part of discussions at the 18th BRICS Summit, chaired by India and being held in New Delhi on September 12 and 13, 2026. Finance ministries and central bank governors from BRICS countries met in August to discuss the facilitation of cross-border payments and the strengthening of national currencies.
Background & Key Facts
- Membership: The BRICS bloc now has 10 member countries — Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the UAE — and has grown in strength in its objective of advancing trade and diplomatic relations within the Global South.
- Why cross-border payments matter: Currently, making payments across countries requires a string of transactions via correspondent banks that hold accounts with each other. When two countries do not have such correspondent banks, payments are routed through international banks, converting the sender's currency to a dominant currency such as the dollar and then to the receiving country's currency. The process is slow and carries foreign exchange margins plus intermediary fees.
- Share of global exports: Merchandise exports by BRICS countries made up about one-fourth of all global exports in 2024. China touched $500 billion in 2024; Brazil, India, Indonesia, Russia and the UAE recorded large figures between $80 billion and $180 billion.
- Import dependence: As of 2024, all members of BRICS except China received more than 30% of imports from other members. Iran depends on BRICS for more than 65% of its imports, and Ethiopia nearly 45%. A UNCTAD report notes rising intra-BRICS import dependency owing to the heterogeneity of goods available among members.
- Export dependence: In the last decade, five members — Russia, China, the UAE, Brazil and Indonesia — have doubled and even quadrupled their exports to bloc members. China has consistently shown the lowest dependency on intra-BRICS exports due to its diversified export market.
- Russia's trajectory: Russia saw a rapid increase in export dependency between 2020 and 2023, in the middle of its invasion of Ukraine, when countries such as India imported its fuel. It saw a decline in export dependence in 2024. Under Russia's 2024 chairmanship, BRICS argued against the dominance of the U.S. dollar. Russia was hit directly by the dollar monopoly in 2022, when U.S. sanctions cut Russian banks off from SWIFT.
- India's 2026 Chairship: Centred on resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability. The UAE looks ahead to China's BRICS Chairship in 2027.
- New Development Bank: The NDB has approved more than $40 billion in financing since its establishment, supporting infrastructure and sustainable development across member countries.
- UAE's position: Writing in The Hindu, Saeed bin Mubarak Al Hajeri, Minister of State at the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs, noted the UAE became a full member in January 2024. Non-oil sectors accounted for almost 79% of UAE GDP in 2025. The UAE holds sovereign wealth assets exceeding $2.9 trillion and has concluded 38 Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreements.
- UAE–India trade: Under the UAE–India CEPA, non-oil bilateral trade grew by 17% in 2025 to exceed $76 billion. The two countries have set the ambition of increasing bilateral trade to $200 billion by 2032.
BRICS Members — GDP Size and Global Rank (current prices)
| Country | GDP, current prices (billions of $) | Global Rank |
|---|---|---|
| China | 19,626.247 | 2 |
| India | 3,916.312 | 7 |
| Russian Federation | 2,587.938 | 9 |
| Brazil | 2,279.918 | 12 |
| Indonesia | 1,445.642 | 18 |
| United Arab Emirates | 571.643 | 32 |
| South Africa | 427.141 | 43 |
| Iran | 371.196 | 46 |
| Egypt | 364.640 | 47 |
| Ethiopia | 109.109 | 74 |
Collectively, the 10 member countries account for 27 per cent of world output, 24 per cent of merchandise exports, and 22 per cent of FDI inflow by 2024. While the U.S. is the largest economy in the world, the BRICS bloc does not fall far behind, as China, India and Russia are in the top 10 in terms of Gross Domestic Product at current prices.
Trade complementarity is real, currency substitution is not: Rising intra-BRICS import and export dependence gives the bloc a genuine economic basis for a payments mechanism. But a common settlement system is not the same as a common currency — the members have divergent capital account regimes, exchange rate policies and inflation records, making monetary convergence implausible.
The China asymmetry: China's consistently low dependence on intra-BRICS exports means it gains the most from a non-dollar settlement architecture while risking the least. Any BRICS payments system risks becoming renminbi-anchored rather than genuinely multipolar — a concern India has consistently and publicly resisted.
Sanctions, not efficiency, is the driver: Russia's SWIFT exclusion in 2022 and Iran's 65% import dependence on the bloc show that the strongest advocates of de-dollarisation are precisely the members with the least access to dollar clearing. This makes the agenda politically charged and invites secondary-sanctions risk for members like India.
Value lies in implementation: As the UAE argues, the bloc's worth lies in translating dialogue into easier trade, resilient supply chains and connectivity — not in symbolic currency politics.
- Prioritise interoperable local-currency settlement and linkage of fast payment systems (such as UPI with partner systems) over any single-currency project.
- Expand NDB local-currency lending to reduce exchange-rate risk for borrowing members and to build depth in member-country bond markets.
- Keep the agenda framed as reform of the multilateral trading and financial system rather than confrontation with the dollar, to avoid secondary sanctions exposure.
- Use India's Chairship to institutionalise deliverables in supply-chain resilience, critical minerals, digital public infrastructure and climate finance.
BRICS — 10 members New Development Bank SWIFT Correspondent banking UNCTAD India–UAE CEPA Contingent Reserve Arrangement
MCQ: BRICS institutions and membership
Consider the following statements about BRICS:
- Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE are among the countries that expanded the original grouping.
- The New Development Bank was established with an initial authorised capital shared equally among its founding members.
- The Contingent Reserve Arrangement is a BRICS mechanism to provide liquidity support against balance-of-payments pressures.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Ex-officials flag concerns over Census data quality, potential NPR and NRC link
Context
The Union government's decision to advance the Population Enumeration phase of Census 2027 in four poll-bound States, coupled with the introduction of several new questions in the Census schedule, has prompted some former Census officials to raise concerns regarding the quality of data to be collected and the potential links between the Census, the National Population Register (NPR) and, ultimately, the National Register of Citizens (NRC).
Background & Key Facts
- Advancement: On September 5, the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India (RG&CCI) advanced the Population Enumeration phase of Census 2027 in the poll-bound States of Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Goa, while deferring the exercise in violence-hit Manipur.
- New questionnaire: On August 14, 2026, the RG&CCI notified a set of 40 questions to be asked during the Population Enumeration phase.
- Overlap with NPR: Some of the additional questions — particulars of a person's parents including their names, religion, place of birth, Aadhaar, mobile phone number, voter ID and driving licence details — mirror those asked in the rehearsal form of the NPR in 2019.
- NPR status: The NPR, first created in 2011 and initially proposed to be updated with the first phase of the now-scrapped Census 2021, has been put on the back burner due to stiff opposition from political parties and civil society groups. It had been updated in 2015 and already has the family-wise database of 119 crore residents.
- Legal distinction: Former Deputy Registrar General of India K. Narayanan Unni told The Hindu that any link between the Census and population-registration activities remains speculative. He said, "NPR is generated under the Citizenship Act, and data is supposed to be published. However, Census data is confidential and can only be used for statistical purposes. But in 1951, Census data was used to prepare the NRC in Assam."
- The 1951 precedent: Records show the NRC was prepared across the country in 1951, during Independent India's first Census, by "copying" data from the Census schedules. For unspecified reasons, a countrywide NRC was never published, except in undivided Assam, which at the time also included Manipur and Tripura.
- Vaghaiwalla report: The 1951 Census report by R.B. Vaghaiwalla, Superintendent of Census Operations for Assam, Manipur and Tripura, shows the NRC was conceived primarily as a Census and administrative tool rather than a citizenship-verification exercise. The report described the NRC's preparation as "an important innovation", noting that all important Census data was transcribed from the Census slips and that the Register used the same symbols and abbreviations and was a copy of the Census slips.
- Reconciliation exercise: Missing NRC entries were copied from Census slips, and missing Census slips were recreated from NRC entries under a special reconciliation exercise undertaken by Vaghaiwalla. He intended the register to be maintained permanently and updated by village officials, providing continuity between Censuses.
- Confidentiality clause: Section 15 of the Census Act, 1948 ensures confidentiality and states that records of census are not open to inspection nor admissible in evidence — yet the NRC was prepared using this data, establishing a precedent of using Census data to prepare the register.
- 2019 Assam NRC: A former Census official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the NPR and the Census were legally distinct exercises governed by different laws, and pointed out that the update of the NRC in Assam in 2019 was not based on NPR data and required a separate data collection exercise.
- Migration concern: Mr. Unni said the decision to conduct the Census in four States ahead of the rest of the country could lead to under-enumeration of migrant workers, particularly from Uttar Pradesh. He also questioned the utility of some new questions, particularly those relating to identity documents and vaccination history, saying: "Many of these details are already available in administrative databases. It is not clear what statistical purpose some of these questions will serve."
Statistical integrity versus administrative convenience: The Census derives its accuracy from the public's belief that responses are confidential and consequence-free. Questions on Aadhaar, voter ID and driving licence blur the line between a statistical instrument and an identity-verification exercise, risking deliberate misreporting or non-response — which degrades the very data the state needs for planning.
Staggered enumeration and migrant undercount: A Census is meant to be a synchronous snapshot on a reference date. Advancing enumeration in four States while deferring others creates the risk of double-counting or omitting inter-State migrants — precisely the population already most poorly captured in Indian statistics.
The trust deficit: Section 15 confidentiality was not enough to prevent Census data from feeding the 1951 NRC. That precedent is why civil society objections cannot be dismissed as speculative, even if the legal frameworks are distinct.
Timing optics: Advancing the exercise in poll-bound States invites questions about the insulation of a statutory statistical exercise from the electoral cycle, especially when Census data will underpin delimitation and women's reservation implementation.
- Issue an unambiguous public assurance that Census schedules will not be shared with or used for the NPR, NRC or any enforcement database, reinforcing Section 15 of the Census Act, 1948.
- Restore synchronicity by aligning the reference date across all States and Union Territories, or publish a transparent methodology for reconciling staggered enumeration.
- Drop or make clearly optional those questions whose statistical purpose is not demonstrable and whose data already exists in administrative databases.
- Involve the Standing Committee on Statistics and independent demographers in vetting the questionnaire and in post-enumeration surveys to certify data quality.
- Frame a comprehensive migration module so that inter-State and circular migrants are properly captured, as their invisibility during COVID-19 demonstrated.
Census Act, 1948 — Section 15 Citizenship Act, 1955 RG&CCI NPR vs NRC Houselisting vs Population Enumeration Article 82 — Delimitation
MCQ: Census, NPR and NRC — legal basis
Consider the following statements:
- The National Population Register is prepared under provisions traceable to the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the rules framed under it.
- The Census is conducted under the Census Act, 1948, which bars the records from being admitted in evidence.
- Census is a subject in the Union List of the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Preventive detention under scrutiny: NSA order quashed, BNSS notice questioned
Context
Two parallel developments have brought coercive preventive powers under judicial scrutiny. On September 2, the Allahabad High Court quashed the National Security Act (NSA) detention of 25-year-old Delhi University law student and activist Akriti Chaudhary, terming it an "abuse of the draconian preventive detention law". Separately, Chief Justice of India Surya Kant on Wednesday questioned a show-cause notice issued by an Executive Magistrate of the Greater Noida Commissionerate to a student of Gautam Buddha University in connection with the NEET-UG protests at Jantar Mantar, despite a clear Supreme Court order barring coercive action against students.
Background & Key Facts — The NSA Detention Case
- The detention: The district administration in Noida, Uttar Pradesh, detained Ms. Chaudhary on April 11, 2026, in connection with protests by workers in the city. She spent nearly five months in custody.
- The protest: Between April 10 and 18, 2026, industrial and contractual workers in Noida staged protests demanding a wage hike and wage parity with neighbouring Haryana. On April 13, the protests allegedly turned violent. The Uttar Pradesh Police invoked the NSA against Ms. Chaudhary a month later, alleging she had instigated protesters to indulge in stone-pelting and arson.
- The Bench: A Division Bench of Justices Atul Sreedharan and Achal Sachdev allowed her habeas corpus petition and ordered her immediate release unless required in another case.
- The findings: The Court termed the Noida administration's conduct "despotic", the allegations against the activist a "concocted story", and noted that the District Magistrate had passed the NSA detention order "without application of mind". It warned that an unhinged bureaucracy could reduce Uttar Pradesh to an "Orwellian dystopia".
- Facts contradicted: The Court noted in its order that Ms. Chaudhary was already in the custody of the police when the violence she is accused of took place. The Noida Police had claimed at a press conference to have "strong electronic and videographic evidence" of incitement — a claim which could not be established.
- Compensation: The High Court ordered compensation of ₹5 lakh for Ms. Chaudhary, to be recovered from the salaries of the District Magistrate, Gautam Buddha Nagar, Medha Roopam, and "all such other officers who may have been responsible, right down to the Station House Officer" of the police station that prepared the initial report warranting the detention.
- Not yet free: The relief has not set the activist free, as she is named by the U.P. Police in 11 other cases.
- Government response: Solicitor General Tushar Mehta on Wednesday orally indicated the government's intent to challenge the High Court decision.
Background & Key Facts — The BNSS Show-Cause Notice
- The petition: The top court was hearing an oral mentioning of a petition filed by Akshat Tripathi, represented by advocate Subhash Chandran, challenging a show-cause notice issued on September 4 under Section 130 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) in connection with preventive proceedings.
- The demand: The petitioner was called upon to show cause why he should not be bound down under Sections 126/135 of the BNSS by executing a personal bond of ₹5 lakh, with two sureties of a like amount, for allegedly "instigating" fellow students of his university to join a proposed dharna of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP).
- The earlier order: On September 1, the Supreme Court had quashed FIRs registered against protesters — overwhelmingly students — involved in the agitation against the NEET-UG question paper leaks. It had also barred the registration of fresh FIRs in connection with the CJP protests.
- CJI's observation: "How did the Magistrate dare to issue notice when we have already annulled [FIRs] and directed that no penal action would be taken against any student? It was a clear-cut order. The language was very plain. Any layperson could understand the order," Chief Justice Kant observed, and orally assured that the court would seek an explanation from the Magistrate.
- Contempt argument: Making an oral mentioning on behalf of the student, senior advocate Biswajit Bhattacharya said the issuance of the notice was "prima facie contempt" of a September 1 order. Justice Joymalya Bagchi pointed out that the notice had been withdrawn the day after its issuance, but Mr. Bhattacharya said the contempt of the top court could not be purged by withdrawing the notice.
- Administration's position: A social media post by the Deputy Commissioner of Police, Greater Noida, said the notice had already been withdrawn and the officials involved were facing disciplinary action. The statement also said the District Magistrate, Gautam Buddha Nagar, had no role whatsoever in the issue.
Preventive detention as a first resort: The NSA permits detention without trial for up to twelve months on subjective satisfaction of the detaining authority. When that satisfaction is recorded "without application of mind" against a person already in custody at the time of the alleged offence, the safeguard of Article 22(5) — communication of grounds and the right to representation — becomes a formality rather than a protection.
Personal liability as a deterrent: Ordering that compensation be recovered from the salaries of officers, from the District Magistrate down to the SHO, is a significant departure from the usual practice of the exchequer bearing the cost. It shifts the incentive structure but will be tested on appeal.
Multiplicity of cases as punishment: Ms. Chaudhary remains named in 11 other cases. The relief from one detention order does not restore liberty, illustrating how process itself becomes the punishment — a concern the Supreme Court has repeatedly voiced.
Unequal access to remedy: As the editorial notes, Ms. Chaudhary could access legal support and media attention that hundreds of others in comparable situations cannot, while the workers remain trapped in poor conditions with promises unfulfilled.
Compliance at the cutting edge: The BNSS notice episode shows that a clear Supreme Court order does not automatically translate into changed conduct by executive magistrates on the ground, raising the question of institutional accountability for non-compliance.
- Mandate reasoned, evidence-referenced detention orders with automatic scrutiny by Advisory Boards within a shortened timeline, and record-based reasons for rejecting representations.
- Institutionalise personal accountability — costs recoverable from officers, adverse service entries, and mandatory reporting of quashed detentions to the State Home Department.
- Publish annual State-wise data on NSA detentions, outcomes and quashings to enable legislative and public oversight.
- Train executive magistrates on Supreme Court directions and require a compliance certificate before invoking preventive provisions under Sections 126, 130 and 135 of the BNSS.
- Address the underlying labour grievance — wage parity and conditions for contractual and industrial workers — so that protest is not repeatedly met with security-law responses.
National Security Act, 1980 Article 22 — Preventive Detention Habeas Corpus BNSS Sections 126, 130, 135 Advisory Board Article 226
MCQ: Preventive detention safeguards
With reference to preventive detention in India, consider the following statements:
- Article 22(1) and 22(2) safeguards — the right to be informed of grounds of arrest and to consult a legal practitioner — are available to persons detained under a preventive detention law.
- A person may ordinarily not be detained for more than three months unless an Advisory Board reports sufficient cause for extended detention.
- Parliament alone can legislate on preventive detention, as it falls exclusively in the Union List.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Onus on legislature to make marital rape punishable: Supreme Court
Context
The Supreme Court on Wednesday guaranteed safety and security to sexually abused married women, but questioned whether courts can direct rape prosecutions against husbands when the penal law exempts marital rape from criminal liability.
Background & Key Facts
- The Bench: A three-judge Bench headed by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant made the point that though it recognised the individual autonomy of married women, the second exception to Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) states that "sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under 15 years of age, is not rape".
- Under the BNS: Section 63 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which replaced the IPC in 2023, has carried forward the exemption given to marital rape under Section 375, though statutorily raising the age threshold of the wife to 18.
- The judicial dilemma: Justice Joymalya Bagchi questioned: "This is the law as it stands, rightly or wrongly. It is a penal law. Before a constitutional court renders a verdict that the exception is unreasonable or manifestly arbitrary, can we permit a prosecution on that score? Is it within the domain of a prosecutor to prosecute a person when there is a clear exemption under Section 375 or Section 63?"
- The case below: The primary case before the Bench is an appeal filed against a 2022 decision of the Karnataka High Court, which held that a husband could be charged with rape if he had forced himself on his wife. The High Court relied on the Justice J.S. Verma Committee report of 2013, which had found the exception regressive.
- Karnataka HC's reasoning: The High Court Bench had observed that "a man is a man; an act is an act; rape is a rape, be it performed by a man the 'husband' on the woman 'wife'". It noted that "no exception under law can be so absolute that it becomes a licence for the commission of a crime against society".
- Supreme Court's counter: "Can a court order prosecution until the constitutional validity of the exception is examined and, if needs be, declared ultra vires or read down? It is the law right now, constitutional or otherwise," Justice Bagchi debated.
- Definition of rape: While Justice Bagchi agreed that "a person in a matrimony subjected to involuntary sexual intercourse is definitely a victim", he said "the question before us is whether the State defines it as 'rape' or not". The court mooted that it may be for the legislature to decide if an act should be made a crime.
- Petitioner's argument: Senior advocate Indira Jaising, who appeared for the wife in the Karnataka case, said there was enough elasticity to interpret the present law and justify the High Court's decision to order prosecution for rape. She also noted that the age of consent in Section 63 has been raised from 16 to 18 years.
- Government's position: Solicitor General Tushar Mehta said the exception for marital rape must continue until the top court took a final call on its reasonableness.
Separation of powers versus constitutional review: The Court's hesitation reflects a genuine tension. Directing prosecution under a provision that expressly exempts the conduct would amount to creating an offence judicially — something Article 20(1) and criminal law principles disfavour. But a constitutional court is equally empowered to strike down or read down an exception that violates Articles 14, 15, 19 and 21.
The autonomy contradiction: Indian law already recognises a wife's sexual autonomy in adjacent contexts — Section 377 jurisprudence, judicial separation provisions, domestic violence law, and the recognition of marital rape as a ground for divorce and for compensation. Retaining the criminal exemption alone creates an internal incoherence in the statutory scheme.
Age threshold anomaly resolved, exemption retained: Raising the threshold from 15 to 18 in the BNS aligns with the Independent Thought (2017) ruling and POCSO, but leaves the substantive question of adult marital rape untouched.
Legislative silence is itself a choice: The Verma Committee recommended removal of the exception in 2013. Thirteen years of legislative inaction, including through the wholesale recodification of criminal law in 2023, means the "leave it to Parliament" position risks becoming a permanent deferral of a rights question.
- Parliament should take a considered decision on the exception, with graded offences and calibrated sentencing if concerns about misuse and evidentiary difficulty are to be addressed.
- Strengthen existing remedies in the interim — the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 covers sexual abuse and can deliver protection orders, residence orders and compensation without criminalisation delays.
- Build institutional capacity — trained investigators, medico-legal protocols and support persons — so that any change in law is matched by capacity to implement it fairly.
- Undertake public consultation and data collection on the incidence of non-consensual sexual acts within marriage, since NFHS data already indicates significant prevalence.
Section 375 IPC — Exception 2 Section 63 BNS Justice J.S. Verma Committee, 2013 Independent Thought v. Union of India PWDVA, 2005 Doctrine of ultra vires
MCQ: Marital rape exception in Indian law
Consider the following statements:
- The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 removed the marital rape exception that existed under the Indian Penal Code.
- The Justice J.S. Verma Committee, constituted after the 2012 Delhi gang rape, recommended that the marital rape exception be removed.
- The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 includes sexual abuse within its definition of domestic violence.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Centre against English being treated as a 'native' language
Context
The Centre told the Supreme Court on Wednesday that it "has an issue" with treating English as an indigenous language, but assured the court that it would move quickly with consultations on granting current Class 6 students a one-time reprieve from a mandatory third-language paper in the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) Class 10 examination.
Background & Key Facts
- Before the Bench: Appearing before a Bench headed by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, Solicitor-General Tushar Mehta, standing in for Additional Solicitor-General Aishwarya Bhati, said a meeting would be arranged "today or tomorrow" with the officials concerned for a decision on the issue of a reprieve for Class 6 students.
- The English question: When senior advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan sought an order from the court on the issue of English being shifted to the "non-native" or foreign language category, Mr. Mehta said, "We have an issue about that. We would like to make submissions on that."
- Minority schools: The court issued notice to the government on petitions filed by minority schools regarding the implementation of the three-language scheme.
- Adjournment: Mr. Mehta sought a short adjournment as Ms. Bhati, representing the Union government and the CBSE, was unable to address the court due to a personal difficulty. The court adjourned the hearing to September 17. Senior advocate Anand Grover, also appearing for the petitioners, said parents were getting anxious and urged the court against allowing any further adjournments.
- Current position under CBSE guidelines: Students in Classes 7 to 9 were exempted, while the current Class 6 batch was slated to face full implementation of the third-language scheme, including a mandatory Class 10 Board examination in the third language by 2031.
- Court's earlier direction: At an earlier hearing, the top court had asked the CBSE to consider giving Class 6 students relief from writing the third-language examination in Class 10. The court said the three-language scheme would eventually have to be implemented, but the CBSE would have to streamline its implementation better.
- Three questions: The court had asked Ms. Bhati to get instructions on three issues — whether a one-time reprieve could be given to the current batch of Class 6 students; how human resources could be built to meet the demands of the three-language scheme; and whether the scheme should ideally be introduced in earlier classes.
The classification question is consequential: If English is treated as a "non-native" or foreign language, then a student studying English plus a regional language must take a third Indian language to satisfy the formula. If English counts within the three, the burden disappears for large numbers of students, particularly in southern and north-eastern States and in minority institutions.
Capacity, not principle, is the binding constraint: The court's own framing — how human resources will be built — identifies the real problem. Recruiting, training and deploying third-language teachers across thousands of schools within the timeline is the operational bottleneck that makes a 2031 board examination requirement difficult to meet fairly.
Federal and minority rights dimensions: Education is a Concurrent List subject, and language policy has historically been politically sensitive. Petitions by minority schools invoke Article 30(1) rights to establish and administer institutions of their choice, adding a constitutional layer to what is presented as a curricular decision.
Sequencing matters pedagogically: Introducing a third language in Class 6 and testing it in a high-stakes Class 10 board examination gives roughly five years of exposure. Research on second-language acquisition generally favours earlier introduction with lower stakes — which is why the court itself asked whether the scheme should begin in earlier classes.
- Settle the classification of English through a reasoned policy statement rather than litigation, so that schools and parents have certainty well ahead of the examination cycle.
- Grant the one-time reprieve for the current Class 6 cohort while phasing in the scheme for later batches with adequate teacher supply.
- Build a national third-language teacher cadre, use shared digital instruction for low-demand languages, and permit internal assessment instead of a board paper in the initial years.
- Respect the flexibility already built into the National Education Policy, which does not mandate any specific language and leaves the choice to States, regions and students.
- Consult State governments and minority institutions before implementation, given the Concurrent List character of education and Article 30 protections.
Three-language formula NEP 2020 Article 30(1) Article 343–351 — Official Language Eighth Schedule Education — Concurrent List
MCQ: Language provisions in the Constitution
Consider the following statements:
- The Eighth Schedule of the Constitution originally listed 14 languages and now lists 22.
- Article 350A directs States to provide facilities for instruction in the mother tongue at the primary stage to children belonging to linguistic minority groups.
- English is one of the languages listed in the Eighth Schedule.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
MHA proposes new Chapter 'K' under Article 371 for Ladakh
Context
The Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has proposed an elected body for the Union Territory of Ladakh by introducing a new constitutional provision under Article 371 of the Constitution in a proposed Chapter K, civil society members who attended a meeting with MHA officials in Delhi on Wednesday said.
Background & Key Facts
- Disappointment expressed: Cherring Dorjay Lakruk of the Leh Apex Body (LAB) told The Hindu that they were "disappointed" as this was a reiteration of the May 22 meeting, and that they were given a PowerPoint presentation mentioning Chapter K but were yet to get a detailed "draft proposal" from the MHA.
- Proposed powers: A statement released by the civil society members said, "The MHA stated that the intended UT-level body would be elected by direct election, and would have legislative powers with respect to land, culture and language, forest, environment, natural resources, and any other subject matter reserved for the UT under Article 240."
- Official framing: Ladakh chief secretary Ashish Kundra, who attended the meeting, said in a post on X: "Attended the sub-committee meeting with leaders of Ladakh at MHA in Delhi today. A general air of positivity prevailed as the broad contours of a Sui-generis model of governance under Article 371 of the Constitution were discussed. Deepening democracy is the goal."
- Demands raised: Representatives of the LAB and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) asked the MHA to ensure that the Lieutenant-Governor of Ladakh does not take any major decisions concerning the administration, bureaucracy or land until the proposed constitutional safeguards are put in place, while pressing for the legislation to be passed in the upcoming Winter Session of Parliament.
- Compensation and cases: The members also sought compensation for the families of the victims of the violence that broke out on September 24, 2025, in Leh city, where four people were killed in police firing. They further sought the withdrawal of criminal cases against 80 people, along the lines of the protection afforded to those who took part in the "Gen Z protest" at Delhi's Jantar Mantar in July.
- Article 371 structure: Article 371, which currently has chapters that run from A to J, deals with "Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions" and exists under Part XXI of the Constitution. It is currently applicable in 12 States: Nagaland, Assam, Manipur, Mizoram, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Sikkim and Karnataka.
- Post-2019 status: After Ladakh lost its special status under Article 370 of the Constitution as part of the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir, it was turned into a Union Territory without a legislative assembly in 2019. Since then, the LAB and the KDA have been demanding Statehood and tribal status for Ladakh and seeking a larger role for local residents in decisions relating to land and infrastructure projects.
- Wangchuk's view: Climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, also part of the delegation, said: "We cannot say that the meeting was a complete success. We hoped to get a draft proposal assuring us protection under Article 371. However, that was not provided. We have asked the government to take back the cases registered against protesters after last year's incident in Leh city."
Article 371 — Existing Special Provisions
| Provision | State(s) covered |
|---|---|
| Article 371 | Maharashtra and Gujarat — development boards for Vidarbha, Marathwada, Saurashtra and Kutch |
| Article 371A | Nagaland — Naga customary law, ownership of land and resources |
| Article 371B | Assam — committee of the Legislative Assembly for tribal areas |
| Article 371C | Manipur — committee for Hill Areas |
| Articles 371D–E | Andhra Pradesh and Telangana — equitable opportunities in employment and education |
| Article 371F | Sikkim |
| Article 371G | Mizoram — Mizo customary law and land ownership |
| Article 371H | Arunachal Pradesh — special responsibility of the Governor for law and order |
| Article 371I | Goa — minimum strength of the Legislative Assembly |
| Article 371J | Karnataka — Hyderabad-Karnataka (Kalyana-Karnataka) region |
| Proposed Chapter 'K' | Ladakh — proposed directly elected UT-level body with legislative powers |
A constitutional first for a Union Territory: Article 371 has so far been used exclusively for States. Extending it to a Union Territory through a new chapter would be a novel constitutional design, sitting alongside Article 240, which empowers the President to make regulations for certain UTs. The "sui-generis" framing acknowledges that this fits neither the Statehood model nor the existing UT-with-legislature model.
Sixth Schedule versus Article 371: Ladakh's core demand has been Sixth Schedule inclusion, which would give autonomous district councils constitutionally entrenched control over land, forests and customary law. An Article 371 route offers legislative powers but on terms defined by Parliament, and does not by itself confer the tribal-area protections the Sixth Schedule provides — over 97% of Ladakh's population is Scheduled Tribe.
Process deficit: Two rounds of meetings without a written draft proposal have eroded trust. Negotiation by presentation rather than by text makes it impossible for stakeholders to assess whether the safeguards are justiciable or merely administrative.
Interim vacuum: Until legislation is enacted, the LG retains decision-making authority over land and bureaucracy — precisely the powers whose exercise triggered the agitation. The demand to freeze major decisions in the interim is therefore substantive, not procedural.
- Share a written draft of the proposed Chapter K with the Leh Apex Body and the Kargil Democratic Alliance to enable informed consultation.
- Clarify the relationship between the proposed provision, Article 240, the existing Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Councils and the Sixth Schedule demand.
- Guarantee justiciable safeguards on land, employment and environmental clearance rather than executive assurances.
- Address the September 2025 violence through a transparent inquiry, compensation and a considered decision on withdrawal of cases.
- Protect Ladakh's fragile cold-desert ecology by embedding environmental safeguards in whatever governance model is adopted.
Article 371 A–J Article 240 Part XXI Sixth Schedule LAHDC Article 371J — Kalyana Karnataka
MCQ: Article 371 and special provisions
Consider the following pairs:
- Article 371A — Nagaland
- Article 371G — Mizoram
- Article 371J — Karnataka
- Article 371F — Goa
How many of the pairs given above are correctly matched?
- Only two
- Only three
- All four
- Only one
Gram Sabha consent under the Forest Rights Act: Ministry's memo contested
Context
The Tribal Affairs Ministry must immediately withdraw its August 31 office memorandum that claimed there was "no provision" under the Forest Rights Act (FRA) to seek consent of Gram Sabhas for diverting forest land for non-forest purposes, the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD) said in a statement on Wednesday.
Background & Key Facts
- The objection: The national platform of Adivasi and forest-dweller organisations said the Ministry "cannot simply wash its hands of its responsibility", calling the Ministry's position "factually and legally untenable", which "smacks of dereliction of duty".
- Strong language: "It is completely shocking that the Ministry of Tribal Affairs has made such a gargantuan factual blunder, something which could have been avoided simply by reading the text of the law," said the CSD.
- The trigger: The statement comes amid criticism of the Ministry's communication to the Power Ministry, with which it is currently in discussions about how the requirement of 100% Gram Sabha consent for diversion of forest land has become a "critical bottleneck" delaying large government projects, as first reported by The Hindu.
- Political reaction: Congress leader Jairam Ramesh had also criticised the position of the Ministry as a "shocking stance".
- PESA context: In a related development, a local tribal group from Gadchiroli in Maharashtra opposed the appointment of former Maoist leader Bhupati as a coordinator in Gondwana University to spread awareness about PESA, the Forest Rights Act and other rights of communities. Bajirao Usendi from Gadchiroli asked, "Why are local tribals, who have worked for PESA, not being given the opportunity?" PESA stands for the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, a landmark law enacted by the Union Government to ensure self-governance for tribal communities living in Fifth Schedule areas.
- The Mahagramsabha: Mr. Usendi is the leader of a Mahagramsabha, an informal body that plays an advisory role to local gram sabhas in Gadchiroli. It has issued a memorandum to Gondwana University, the Collector and the Gadchiroli Police Superintendent, calling for the appointment to be revoked. The University has said the appointment is for three months and that Bhupati will have only clerical responsibility.
The statutory position: Section 4(5) of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 bars eviction or removal of forest dwellers from forest land until the recognition and verification of rights is complete. Section 5 empowers Gram Sabhas to protect wildlife, forest and biodiversity. The MoEFCC's own 2009 circular made Gram Sabha consent a mandatory condition for forest clearance. A memorandum asserting "no provision" therefore sits uneasily with both the statute and existing executive practice.
Role reversal for a nodal ministry: The Ministry of Tribal Affairs is the nodal ministry for the FRA and is expected to defend rights holders. Positioning itself alongside a project-executing ministry to describe consent as a "bottleneck" inverts its institutional mandate.
Development versus consent is a false binary: Consent requirements slow projects, but the alternative — clearance without consent — generates prolonged litigation, protest and stalled execution, as the Niyamgiri and Hasdeo experiences show. Front-loading consent typically reduces total project time and cost.
Constitutional anchoring: Gram Sabha powers in Scheduled Areas flow from the Fifth Schedule and PESA, and from Articles 244 and 243ZC, not merely from executive circulars. Diluting them by memorandum raises questions of legality.
- Withdraw or substantially revise the office memorandum and issue a clarification reaffirming Gram Sabha consent as a statutory requirement under the FRA read with PESA.
- Complete recognition of individual and community forest rights before initiating any diversion proposal, as Section 4(5) requires.
- Standardise the consent process — quorum, documentation, video recording, and grievance redress — to reduce genuine procedural delay without diluting the substance of consent.
- Create a single-window facilitation cell that helps project proponents engage Gram Sabhas early rather than seeking exemptions late.
- Strengthen Gram Sabha capacity through genuine community-led awareness programmes staffed by local tribal resource persons.
FRA, 2006 — Sections 3, 4(5), 5 PESA, 1996 Fifth Schedule Article 244 Community Forest Resource rights Van (Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan) Adhiniyam
MCQ: Forest Rights Act and PESA
Consider the following statements:
- The Ministry of Tribal Affairs is the nodal ministry for the implementation of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006.
- The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 extends provisions of Part IX of the Constitution to Fifth Schedule areas with modifications.
- Under the Forest Rights Act, the Gram Sabha is the authority that initiates the process of determining the nature and extent of forest rights.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Congress alleges ₹10,000-crore tax evasion through 'bogus' political parties, seeks JPC
Context
Alleging that 3,260 registered unrecognised political parties (RUPPs) had received political donations and evaded income tax to the tune of ₹10,000 crore, the Congress on Wednesday demanded a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) probe into what it called a "donation scam".
Background & Key Facts
- The allegation: Addressing a press conference, Congress MP Shaktisinh Gohil alleged that the parties were being used as a route to convert unaccounted-for money into legitimate political donations by way of round-tripping and other means.
- Political framing: Party general secretary (communications) Jairam Ramesh later alleged that the 3,260 parties were operating under the "patronage" of the BJP. "Who is the 'Chanakya' behind these 3,260 sham political parties and who is the true mastermind of this scam?" Mr. Ramesh asked on X.
- Contrast drawn: He also contrasted the alleged tax evasion with the Congress's experience before the 2024 Lok Sabha election, when its bank accounts were frozen and it received tax notices. "So, why is there no investigation into these 3,260 sham political parties and the associated cases of tax evasion," Mr. Ramesh asked.
- The tax provision: The Congress said the Income Tax Act provides tax benefits on donations to registered political parties, and that these provisions were being misused through the RUPPs.
- Penalty sought: Mr. Gohil said the government should investigate the parties and the people who donated to them. Under the Income Tax Act, a penalty of 200% can be imposed on those found guilty, and criminal proceedings can be initiated against individuals and chartered accountants involved in wrongdoing.
- Action against professionals: He demanded that the licences of chartered accountants found guilty be cancelled and that criminal cases be filed against those running the alleged bogus political parties.
- Public disclosure: The Congress sought public disclosure of details of donations received by bogus political parties, as well as information on those people linked to the parties who later joined the BJP.
- ECI's role questioned: Mr. Gohil alleged that no action had been taken against even one person despite the alleged tax evasion exceeding ₹10,000 crore. "Officials had recommended action against those involved but orders had not come from the top," he added. He also questioned the Election Commission's role in scrutinising the funding.
A structural loophole, not merely a scandal: Registration under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 confers income-tax exemption under Section 13A and donor deductions under Sections 80GGB and 80GGC — but registration does not require a party to contest elections. This creates an incentive to register entities purely as conduits.
Limited de-registration power: The Election Commission has repeatedly noted that the RP Act gives it power to register parties but no explicit power to de-register them, except in narrow circumstances recognised in Indian National Congress v. Institute of Social Welfare (2002). This asymmetry is the core enforcement gap.
Coordination failure: Detection requires the ECI, the Income Tax Department and the Ministry of Corporate Affairs to share data. The allegation that recommendations were made but not acted upon points to a problem of enforcement will rather than of legal authority alone.
Symmetry test: Allegations of selective enforcement — freezing of one party's accounts while others face no scrutiny — go to the heart of the level playing field that free and fair elections require, whichever party makes the claim.
- Amend the Representation of the People Act, 1951 to give the Election Commission explicit statutory power to de-register parties that fail to contest elections or file contribution reports over a defined period.
- Make Section 13A exemption conditional on timely filing of audited annual accounts and contribution reports in a standard machine-readable format.
- Institutionalise automatic data sharing between the ECI, the Central Board of Direct Taxes and the Financial Intelligence Unit for parties above a donation threshold.
- Bring political parties within a transparency regime with independent audit, as recommended by the Law Commission's 255th Report and the second ARC.
- Publish donor and expenditure data proactively so that scrutiny does not depend on political allegation alone.
Section 29A, RP Act 1951 Section 13A, Income Tax Act Sections 80GGB & 80GGC Registered Unrecognised Political Parties Joint Parliamentary Committee Law Commission 255th Report
MCQ: Political parties, registration and funding
Consider the following statements:
- A political party is registered with the Election Commission of India under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
- The Election Commission has explicit statutory power under the Representation of the People Act to de-register a political party for failing to contest elections.
- Registered political parties enjoy income tax exemption under Section 13A of the Income Tax Act subject to prescribed conditions.
- 1 and 2 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
India has to act on its 'sugar' problem: FSSAI's front-of-pack red warning
Context
The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI), prodded by the Supreme Court, proposed that packaged foods high in fat, salt or sugar should carry a bold red warning on the front of the pack, not buried in fine print on the back. Someone picking up instant noodles, a breakfast cereal or a "health drink" will finally be told, at a glance, that it is not as wholesome as its advertising claims. Written by Dr. Praveen George Paul (Christian Medical College, Vellore) and Dr. Vandana Jain (AIIMS), the article argues this is a welcome step but nowhere near enough on its own.
Background & Key Facts
- The burden: The number of children presenting with morbid obesity and diabetes has climbed sharply within just a few years. The World Obesity Atlas 2026 records that 41 million Indian children and adolescents aged 5 to 19 are now overweight or obese.
- Marketing to parents: Breakfast cereals, sweetened yoghurts and "health drinks" are marketed to parents as filling gaps in a child's diet, emphasising "energy" and vitamins while saying little about the sugar content inside.
- Double standards: In 2024, a leading multinational was found adding sugar to infant food sold in India and other lower income countries; sugar was left out of the same product in Europe.
- Regulator versus social media: When a health drink popular in Indian homes turned out to be nothing more than flavoured sugar syrup, it took a social media storm — and not a regulator — to force the company to prescribe a 15% cut in its added sugar.
- Around schools: Studies show the cheapest, most easily available snacks near schools and colleges are also the least healthy. A popular "energy drink" among teenagers, priced at just ₹20, packs close to 17 grams of sugar, caffeine and artificial colour into a single bottle. Its label says it is not meant for children, yet nothing stops a child from buying it.
- Enforcement gap: The FSSAI and the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) have long recommended what schools should not sell, but optional rules get treated as optional, and canteens stock whatever sells cheapest. A red warning label only works if it is actually enforced.
- The unorganised half: The new rule stops at the edge of organised retail. Most of India's sugar, salt and trans fat is eaten unbranded, from street stalls, dhabas and sweet shops that make up the unorganised sector, none of which is required to declare anything. A red label on a biscuit packet does nothing about the jalebi sold loose beside it.
- The UK model: When the U.K. introduced its soft drinks industry levy, sugar consumption among both children and adults fell. Manufacturers reformulated their drinks to slip below the tax threshold rather than raise prices. The levy taxed drinks in tiers by sugar content, so companies could lower their bill by reformulating the product.
- India's flawed tax design: India already taxes sugary drinks heavily, but not usefully. Since September 2025, aerated and sweetened beverages — sugar-free versions included — were folded into one 40% GST slab, so a 'normal' cola and its zero-sugar counterpart pay the same tax, leaving manufacturers with no reason to cut sugar.
- The equity objection: The standard objection that such a tax would hit the poor hardest is not wrong, but is only half the argument. Unregulated, cheap sugar already extracts a heavy price from the poor, who bear the brunt of the diabetes, hypertension and childhood obesity epidemic that sugar-heavy diets drive, with the least means to treat it. Doing nothing is not neutral; it is a slower, costlier tax, paid in ill health rather than rupees at the till.
Information alone does not change behaviour: Front-of-pack labelling improves consumer knowledge but the evidence globally shows its largest effect is on manufacturer reformulation, not consumer choice. That effect only materialises if the threshold is strict and the warning is stigmatising enough to threaten sales.
Tax design is the decisive variable: A flat 40% slab on all sweetened beverages is a revenue instrument, not a health instrument. A tiered, sugar-content-linked levy of the UK type creates a continuous incentive to reformulate; a flat slab creates none.
Regulatory reach mismatch: With most sugar, salt and trans fat consumed through the unorganised sector, a labelling rule confined to packaged food regulates the visible half of the plate while leaving the larger half untouched.
Voluntarism has failed: The pattern of FSSAI and CBSE advisories being treated as optional, and of reformulation happening only after public outcry, indicates that the binding constraint is enforcement capacity and mandatory standards rather than the absence of guidance.
- Make food standards mandatory rather than advisory, with enforceable restrictions on what school and college canteens may stock.
- Restrict how unhealthy food is marketed to children, including advertising during children's programming and on digital platforms.
- Extend basic disclosure norms progressively to the unorganised sector, beginning with high-volume outlets and standardised sweets.
- Redesign the beverage tax as a tiered levy calibrated to sugar content, so manufacturers gain by reformulating, with part of the revenue earmarked to make healthy food cheaper.
- Invest in front-of-pack enforcement capacity — sampling, testing laboratories and penalties — since an unenforced red label is only a design change.
FSSAI & FSS Act, 2006 Front-of-Pack Labelling World Obesity Atlas Trans fat elimination target Pigouvian tax Eat Right India
MCQ: Food regulation and health taxation
Consider the following statements:
- The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India functions under the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare.
- A tiered sugar-content-linked levy incentivises manufacturers to reformulate products, unlike a single flat tax rate on all sweetened beverages.
- The World Obesity Atlas is published by the World Health Organization.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Pollution from open waste burning triples in cities during winter: study
Context
Open waste burning rises sharply in winter across different categories of Indian cities, with the average incidence, quantity of waste burned, and associated emissions as much as three times higher than in summer, according to a working paper by the World Resources Institute (WRI) India. The findings come as cities approach the post-monsoon period, when falling temperatures and stagnant atmospheric conditions typically make it harder for pollutants to disperse.
Background & Key Facts
- The study base: The study is based on field surveys from 2019–2026 in 11 polluted Indian cities, the names of which have not been disclosed.
- Quantity burned: Tier 2 cities, with populations between 500,000 and five million, had the highest quantities of waste burned among the cities examined.
- Incidence: Tier 3 cities recorded the highest winter incidence of burning, at an average of 49.6 incidents per square kilometre per day, compared with 46 in Tier 2 cities and 39.4 in Tier 1 cities.
- Share of emissions: Open waste burning was not the dominant source of citywide particulate pollution, and contributed less than 1% of total citywide PM2.5 and PM10 emissions in the cities assessed.
- Why it still matters: Because it happens closer to homes, streets and waste dumps, it can increase short-term exposure to toxic smoke.
- Socio-economic gradient: The burden was strongly associated with socio-economic conditions. Poorer areas recorded substantially more burning than higher-income areas, with the highest incidence in the study — at nearly 84 incidents per square kilometre per day — recorded in the poorer areas of Tier 2 cities during winter.
- Interpretation: The researchers say the pattern points to disparities in waste collection and other municipal services.
Incidence of Open Waste Burning in Winter (per sq km per day)
| City category | Population range | Winter incidence |
|---|---|---|
| Tier 1 | Largest metropolitan cities | 39.4 |
| Tier 2 | 500,000 – 5 million | 46.0 (highest quantity burned) |
| Tier 3 | Smaller cities and towns | 49.6 (highest incidence) |
| Poorer areas of Tier 2 cities | — | ~84 (highest recorded in the study) |
Exposure is not the same as emissions: The finding that open burning contributes under 1% of citywide PM2.5 while being a serious health risk illustrates the limits of ambient monitoring. Personal exposure depends on proximity, and burning at street level near homes delivers a far higher dose than the same mass of emissions from a distant stack.
An environmental justice question: Nearly double the incidence in poorer neighbourhoods indicates that open burning is a symptom of unequal municipal service delivery, not of individual behaviour. The waste burns because it is not collected.
Policy attention is misallocated by tier: National clean air programmes and monitoring infrastructure are concentrated in Tier 1 cities, whereas the highest incidence is in Tier 3 cities that have the weakest municipal finances and no continuous ambient monitoring.
Toxicity beyond particulates: Burning mixed municipal waste containing plastics releases dioxins, furans and black carbon — pollutants whose health and climate impacts are not captured by PM2.5 mass metrics at all.
- Enforce door-to-door segregated collection under the Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016 with equal coverage in low-income settlements, since collection gaps drive burning.
- Extend National Clean Air Programme funding and monitoring to Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities where incidence is highest.
- Integrate informal waste pickers into formal collection systems, improving both recovery rates and livelihoods.
- Use satellite and low-cost sensor networks with ward-level accountability to detect and act on burning hotspots.
- Strengthen Extended Producer Responsibility for plastics so that unrecyclable packaging does not end up in open piles.
PM2.5 and PM10 Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016 National Clean Air Programme Black carbon Dioxins and furans Temperature inversion
MCQ: Winter air pollution and waste burning
Consider the following statements about winter air pollution in Indian cities:
- Temperature inversion in winter lowers the height of the atmospheric mixing layer, trapping pollutants closer to the surface.
- Open burning of mixed municipal waste containing plastics can release dioxins and furans.
- Black carbon is a short-lived climate pollutant that both warms the atmosphere and damages respiratory health.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
'Beyond Bengaluru': a Karnataka powered by many economic engines
Context
Writing in The Hindu, Karnataka Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar argues that a State's development story cannot be the story of its capital alone. Bengaluru — with its Information Technology, startups, aerospace, biotechnology, global corporations and new-generation entrepreneurs — is the pillar of India's economy, but the State's next chapter cannot depend on one city; it must be powered by many economic engines beyond Bengaluru.
Background & Key Facts
- Concentration pressure: With a population of around 12.5 million and over 11.5 million vehicles, Bengaluru is already facing enormous pressure on its roads, housing and infrastructure. The pattern of people migrating from rural areas and other cities to Bengaluru in search of opportunities needs to change.
- Comparative models: Delhi and Mumbai have developed alternative growth centres such as Gurugram and Noida, and Navi Mumbai and Thane, respectively.
- KDEM clusters: Through the Karnataka Digital Economy Mission (KDEM), key clusters including Mysuru, Mangaluru, Hubballi-Dharwad-Belagavi, Tumakuru, Kalaburagi and Shivamogga are being developed to take Karnataka's digital and knowledge economy beyond Bengaluru.
- June 2026 approvals: 55 industrial projects worth ₹7,506 crore were approved, with the potential to create more than 28,000 jobs. Of these, 41 are planned outside Bengaluru Urban and Bengaluru Rural districts.
- August 2026 approvals: Another 83 projects worth around ₹6,253 crore were approved, of which 69 are planned outside Bengaluru, with the potential to create more than 30,000 jobs. These are approved projects and projected employment figures, not completed investments.
- LEAP: The Local Economy Accelerator Programme has been allocated ₹1,000 crore over five years to promote startups, entrepreneurship and emerging technology clusters beyond Bengaluru, with a target of creating five lakh employment opportunities.
- Budget 2026-27: LEAP Labs are proposed in Hubballi, Kalaburagi, Hoskote and Mysuru, along with a K-Combinator accelerator and stronger industry-academia linkages.
- Coastal Karnataka: Strong foundations in ports, maritime connectivity, education, health care, banking, fisheries and tourism, along with a growing knowledge economy. The next step is to connect these strengths with technology and the digital economy.
- Mysuru: Already strong in education, tourism and technology. The government has set the goal of developing it as Karnataka's second IT city under the 2026-27 Budget. Mysuru should not be Bengaluru's replacement; it should become another major technology and knowledge-economy engine.
- Hubballi-Dharwad-Belagavi: Strong foundations in engineering, manufacturing, education and entrepreneurship; being developed as an emerging cluster for Artificial Intelligence, machine learning, Internet of Things and advanced manufacturing. Available KDEM data indicate more than 400 startups and over 80 funded startups in the cluster, with more than 4,500 jobs added. The next step is AI, data science, drones, electric vehicles, Software as a Service, agritech and advanced manufacturing.
- Tumakuru–Doddaballapura: Identified as an industrial node with the potential to attract around ₹7,000 crore in investment and create more than 88,000 jobs.
- Beyond IT parks: Education, skills, health care, connectivity, housing and employment must grow together. When industries come, local Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises must benefit; when jobs are created, local youth must have the necessary skills; as cities expand, workers need quality housing and their families need schools and health care; tourism must create income for local communities. This is why the 'Live Near Work' approach, with quality housing close to industrial areas, is important.
- Agriculture in the model: Drones, satellite imagery, digital technology and AI can support crop surveys, crop-health assessment, pest and disease monitoring and real-time agricultural intelligence. Value addition, food processing and stronger supply chains can further strengthen rural economies.
- The core idea: 'Beyond Bengaluru' does not mean giving every district the same development model. It means identifying each region's strengths and building the right economic ecosystem around them. Bengaluru should remain the crown of Karnataka, but the brilliance of that crown must be visible in every district.
Approvals are not investments: The author himself concedes that the figures are approved projects and projected employment, not completed investments. Karnataka, like most States, has historically shown a wide gap between memoranda signed at investor summits and capital actually deployed.
Agglomeration economics resists dispersal: Bengaluru's dominance rests on deep talent pools, venture capital, anchor firms and social infrastructure that cannot be replicated by fiscal incentives alone. The 'build on distinct regional strengths' framing is the correct response, but it requires a decade-scale commitment to universities, connectivity and urban liveability in the secondary cities.
Regional imbalance is the underlying problem: Karnataka's north — the Kalyana-Karnataka region covered by Article 371J — has persistently lagged, as the Nanjundappa Committee documented. Whether LEAP Labs and a K-Combinator can address a structural deficit of that magnitude is an open question.
Congestion costs are already binding: 11.5 million vehicles for 12.5 million people is an extraordinary ratio, and Bengaluru's mobility and water stress impose a real drag on productivity. Dispersal is therefore not only equity policy but growth policy.
- Publish outcome data — projects commissioned, capital deployed, jobs actually created — alongside approval announcements to make the 'Beyond Bengaluru' claim verifiable.
- Invest in the enabling stack in Tier 2 cities: airports and rail connectivity, quality higher education, reliable power and water, and urban liveability, without which incentives do not retain firms.
- Anchor clusters around existing institutional strengths — maritime and fisheries in coastal Karnataka, engineering in Hubballi-Dharwad-Belagavi, heritage and education in Mysuru.
- Strengthen municipal capacity and finances in second-tier cities so that industrial growth does not simply reproduce Bengaluru's infrastructure deficits elsewhere.
- Link the model to the Kalyana-Karnataka development agenda under Article 371J so that Statewide balance is addressed institutionally, not project by project.
KDEM LEAP Global Capability Centres Article 371J Agglomeration economies Balanced regional development
MCQ: Karnataka's regional development framework
Consider the following statements:
- Article 371J provides for special provisions for the Hyderabad-Karnataka, now Kalyana-Karnataka, region.
- Global Capability Centres are offshore units set up by multinational firms to deliver technology, analytics and business functions for their global operations.
- Mangaluru, Mysuru and Hubballi-Dharwad-Belagavi are among the clusters identified under the Karnataka Digital Economy Mission.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
ESA and ISRO to discuss human space flight and lunar exploration in Paris meet
Context
The European Space Agency (ESA) will hold discussions with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) on cooperation in human space flight and lunar exploration, during the International Space Summit in Paris, which began on Wednesday. A high-level delegation from India is in Paris to take part in the summit.
Background & Key Facts
- The meeting: ESA Director-General Josef Aschbacher said he would hold discussions with ISRO Chairperson V. Narayanan. "I am meeting the Chairperson of ISRO. We will make good use of his visit to Paris. We have quite a number of cooperation points between the two agencies, and exploration is a topic of priority," he told The Hindu.
- Areas identified: Daniel Neuenschwander, Director for Human and Robotic Exploration at ESA, said an agreement has already been signed with ISRO for cooperating on human space flight (Gaganyaan). He noted that India will soon have its own capability to launch humans into space and is also developing the Bharatiya Antariksh Station, and that the two agencies are exploring how to mutually benefit from these capabilities — starting with low earth orbit but also extending to lunar exploration.
- Technical Implementing Plan: ISRO and ESA have already signed a Technical Implementing Plan (TIP) document for Ground Tracking Support for Gaganyaan missions. The TIP will enable ESA to provide ground station support, ensuring continuity in data flow and communication with the orbital module for monitoring and orbital operations.
- Gaganyaan profile: The project envisages demonstration of human spaceflight capability by launching a crew of three members into an orbit of 400 km for a three-day mission, and bringing them back safely to earth by landing in Indian sea waters.
- Venus cooperation: The two agencies have also been exploring potential cooperation in the Venus Orbiter Mission. "We have the Venus science coordination group that partners with those who have interest in missions to Venus. We are speaking to our ISRO colleagues to make sure that the missions complement each other," said Carole Mindel, Director of Space, ESA.
- Venus Orbiter Mission (VOM): India's maiden mission to Venus, costing ₹1,236 crore, has been approved by the Union Cabinet and ISRO. The spacecraft is scheduled for launch in March 2028 and will embark on a 112-day journey to Venus.
- Launch window: According to the targeted launch window, the earth departure date is scheduled for March 29, 2028, and the arrival date on Venus is July 19, 2028. VOM will be launched by Launch Vehicle Mark-3 (LVM-3).
From service provider to partner: ESA providing ground tracking for Gaganyaan reverses the historical pattern in which India was largely a purchaser of foreign launch and tracking services. Human spaceflight requires global tracking coverage that no single agency possesses, making such reciprocity structurally necessary rather than merely diplomatic.
Strategic hedging in space partnerships: India's simultaneous engagement with NASA (Artemis Accords, NISAR, the Axiom mission), Roscosmos legacy cooperation and now ESA gives it optionality without dependence on a single bloc — mirroring its broader multi-alignment strategy.
Venus fills a niche: With NASA's VERITAS and DAVINCI facing budget and schedule pressure and ESA's EnVision planned for the early 2030s, VOM could give India a distinctive scientific role rather than a duplicative one — provided the 2028 window is met.
Execution risk remains: Gaganyaan has slipped repeatedly from its original timeline. Ambitions for a station by the mid-2030s and a crewed lunar landing depend on demonstrated crew-rated launch reliability, life support and human-rated abort systems — none of which can be compressed.
- Convert framework agreements into defined joint payloads and data-sharing arrangements with clear deliverables and timelines.
- Use ESA cooperation to build indigenous deep-space tracking capacity rather than substituting for it.
- Expand private sector participation through IN-SPACe and NSIL so that human spaceflight and planetary science generate industrial capability, not only mission milestones.
- Protect the VOM launch window, as Venus transfer opportunities recur only at roughly 19-month intervals.
- Invest in space life sciences, astronaut training infrastructure and medical support systems ahead of station-scale ambitions.
Gaganyaan Bharatiya Antariksh Station Venus Orbiter Mission LVM-3 European Space Agency IN-SPACe & NSIL
MCQ: India's space missions
Consider the following statements:
- The Gaganyaan mission envisages placing a crew of three in a low earth orbit of about 400 km for a three-day mission.
- The Venus Orbiter Mission is planned to be launched using the LVM-3 launch vehicle.
- Venus is the planet closest to the Sun and has a predominantly nitrogen atmosphere.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Books, AI training data and the limits of 'fair use'
Context
Two contemporary phenomena are destroying books for very different reasons. Last month, a group of citizens in Ahmedabad gathered to read books by Pakistani education activist Malala Yousafzai and Holocaust survivor Anne Frank, protesting against the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad for forcing a private school to drop those books from its compulsory reading list. Members of the Bajrang Dal arrived at the scene, beat up the group and tore up the books. Earlier this month, the destruction of books was in the news for a very different reason — rare-book sellers reported a sudden increase in sales, with books purchased in order to be pulped after scanning for AI training.
Background & Key Facts — Books as Training Data
- Unusual buyers: The books were not being bought by specialised dealers, collectors or connoisseurs, but by buyers with strange names — Red Sparrow Project, Blue Finch Project and Green Parrot Project — to train Large Language Models such as ChatGPT.
- The process: These valuable editions ended up in warehouses, where their spines were sliced, their pages scanned and the books pulped, so that AI companies would not have to deal with the headache of copyright and e-books.
- Two kinds of destruction: In the Bajrang Dal case there is clear ideological opposition to Yousafzai's perceived views on India and Kashmir, and the act was intended to send a warning. In the AI case there is no ideological opposition — the book is seen by companies as a mere object that contains ideas, and those ideas are important because they can be mined for profit. The more knowledge fed into LLMs, the greater their capacity to respond, and the more dependent we become on them.
- The court ruling: Not too long ago, a U.S. court ruled that Anthropic's use of copyrighted books to train its AI was not, in itself, copyright infringement. "One replaced the other," one of the judges wrote. "There is no evidence that the new, digital copy was shown, shared, or sold outside the company."
- The 'fair use' question: This means that within the framework of our current understanding of "fair use", a company can buy books written by human beings, copy their contents into a machine, and then destroy the books without even having to compensate the writers. The columnist, Radhika Santhanam, asks whether we have understood the words "fair" and "use" too narrowly.
- Why books matter: Books have always been more than paper and ink and a spine. They are textual instruments but also cultural objects — repositories of our thoughts, wanderings, dealings and feelings. If ideas are what makes us human, books are a physical manifestation of those ideas, which we choose to preserve and pass on.
- Historical defence of books: In Burning the Books, Richard Ovenden writes about how, when the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina came under artillery fire from the Serbian military in 1992, librarians formed a human chain to protect books. In Nazi Germany, a group of Jewish intellectuals known as the 'Paper Brigade' risked execution by hiding books inside their clothing. In the Soviet Union, Samizdat involved clandestinely copying and circulating censored texts, while the modern copyleft movement allows creators to choose to reproduce and share their work freely.
Background & Key Facts — The Navier-Stokes Controversy
- The problem: The Navier-Stokes equations describe the motion of viscous fluids like water and air, using Newton's second law of motion and treating a fluid as a continuous medium rather than tracking individual molecules. They are used for aircraft design, weather forecasting and the study of blood flow, and have frustrated mathematicians and physicists for more than two centuries.
- Millennium Prize: The Clay Mathematics Institute in New York lists the equations as one of the seven Millennium Prize Problems. Anyone who can prove whether the equations always have smooth, predictable solutions or whether they can 'blow up' — meaning solutions reach infinity in finite time — wins $1 million and considerable prestige.
- Forcing functions: The problem statement, authored by U.S. mathematician Charles Fefferman, offers Options A and B for unforced equations and Options C and D allowing an external forcing function. A forcing function is an external influence that adds momentum to the fluid.
- The researchers: Over the last year, New York University mathematician Tristan Buckmaster and Anthropic researcher Levent Alpöge used AI models and a technique developed by Spanish mathematicians Diego Córdoba and Luis Martínez-Zoroa to show that forced blow-ups cause the equations to become insensible in finite time. They made a breakthrough on August 15 and had their AI-generated proofs computer-checked a week later, then spent weeks translating the near-unreadable AI output into a readable paper.
- The dispute: Buckmaster's public statement says that on a September 6 call, OpenAI computer scientist Sebastien Bubeck said an internal OpenAI model had produced a proof of finite-time blow-up for exactly the same formulation. OpenAI subsequently held a press briefing claiming 10,000 AI agents had cracked the problem in an 88-hour marathon costing millions of dollars.
- The data-access issue: Buckmaster said he had been inputting all of his and Alpöge's drafts into OpenAI Codex for over a year. When he asked whether the internal model had been trained on or had access to his private Codex sessions, OpenAI said the model "did not look up user data" — but did not answer whether his data had been used to train the model.
- Authorship proposals: Buckmaster said Bubeck offered two proposals he considered unethical, and reportedly asserted that he wanted Alpöge removed from authorship because Alpöge is an employee of Anthropic, OpenAI's rival. Bubeck has since publicly called the allegations against him "false and inflammatory".
- Tao's caution: Fields Medal winner Terence Tao had published notes on why 'human mathematics' remains relevant in the age of AI, warning of "a substantial opportunity cost in converting a historically productive and motivating problem … into a mere viral social media post advertising some benchmark progress, rather than actually advancing the field".
- An insider's warning: Separately, AI researcher Jacob Coxon, 27, who left OpenAI to join Anthropic, has decided to leave the industry, accusing both companies of "playing with our lives" in the race to develop self-improving AI. Anthropic safety executive Evan Hubinger backed his concern, estimating a greater than 10% risk over the next decade while saying Anthropic is "trying its best".
Fair use was not designed for machine ingestion: Copyright doctrine developed around the question of whether a human copy substitutes for the original in the market. Training a model consumes a work without displaying, sharing or selling it, which fits awkwardly into that framework — even as it produces outputs that may compete with the author's own market.
The Indian legal position differs: Section 52 of the Copyright Act, 1957 provides an enumerated list of 'fair dealing' exceptions rather than the open-ended, four-factor 'fair use' standard of U.S. law. Whether text and data mining for AI training falls within any of those enumerated exceptions is unresolved and is currently before Indian courts.
Consent, credit, compensation: The ethical question is not whether machines may learn from books, but whether creators are asked, acknowledged and paid. A regime in which the physical book is destroyed after ingestion makes the asymmetry unusually visible.
Research ethics in an AI arms race: The Navier-Stokes dispute raises three distinct issues — whether private user data can be repurposed as training data, whether authorship can be conditioned on corporate affiliation, and whether benchmark-chasing is displacing genuine advancement of a field. Each is an ethics question before it is a technology question.
Both destructions have a common root: Whether books are torn for ideology or pulped for profit, both treat the book as an obstacle rather than as a cultural object to be preserved and passed on.
- Clarify through legislation or judicial interpretation whether text and data mining for AI training falls within Section 52 fair dealing under Indian law, and on what conditions.
- Establish collective licensing mechanisms so that authors and publishers can be compensated for training-data use at scale without individual negotiation.
- Mandate transparency in training-data provenance, so that creators can know whether their work has been ingested.
- Enforce strict separation between customer-facing tool data (such as coding assistants) and model training corpora, with auditable guarantees.
- Develop research-integrity norms for AI-assisted scholarship covering attribution, priority disputes and disclosure of model involvement.
- Protect libraries, archives and public reading spaces as institutions, since both ideological censorship and commercial extraction erode the same public good.
Copyright Act, 1957 — Section 52 Fair dealing vs fair use Millennium Prize Problems Navier-Stokes equations Fields Medal Large Language Models
MCQ: Copyright, fair dealing and AI
Consider the following statements regarding copyright law in India:
- Indian law follows an enumerated 'fair dealing' approach under Section 52 of the Copyright Act, 1957, rather than the open-ended 'fair use' doctrine of United States law.
- Copyright protects the expression of an idea and not the idea itself.
- India is a signatory to the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
📝 Quick Prelims Revision — MCQ Bank
Q1 — Strait of Hormuz and West Asian geography
Which one of the following correctly describes the Strait of Hormuz?
- It connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden
- It connects the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman
- It connects the Mediterranean Sea with the Red Sea
- It connects the Arabian Sea with the Bay of Bengal
Q2 — Census confidentiality
Which of the following statements about the Census of India is correct?
- Census records may be produced as evidence in judicial proceedings
- Census is a subject in the State List of the Seventh Schedule
- Section 15 of the Census Act, 1948 makes census records confidential and inadmissible in evidence
- The Census is conducted by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation
Q3 — Preventive detention and the Advisory Board
Under Article 22 of the Constitution, a person detained under a preventive detention law may ordinarily not be detained beyond which period without the opinion of an Advisory Board?
- One month
- Two months
- Three months
- Six months
Q4 — Article 371 special provisions
Article 371 of the Constitution, dealing with special provisions for certain States, is contained in which Part of the Constitution?
- Part XIV
- Part XVIII
- Part XX
- Part XXI
Q5 — BRICS and the New Development Bank
Consider the following statements about the New Development Bank:
- It was established by BRICS countries with its headquarters in Shanghai.
- Its founding members held equal shareholding, unlike the weighted voting structure of the IMF.
- 1 only
- 2 only
- Both 1 and 2
- Neither 1 nor 2
Q6 — Forest Rights Act and Gram Sabha
Under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, which body initiates the process of determining the nature and extent of forest rights?
- The District Level Committee
- The Sub-Divisional Level Committee
- The Gram Sabha
- The State Forest Department
Q7 — Marital rape exception under the BNS
With respect to Section 63 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which of the following is correct?
- It abolished the marital rape exception entirely
- It retained the exception but raised the wife's age threshold to 18 years
- It retained the exception with the age threshold unchanged at 15 years
- It made marital rape a compoundable offence
Q8 — Millennium Prize Problems
Consider the following statements:
- The Millennium Prize Problems were announced by the Clay Mathematics Institute.
- The Navier-Stokes equations describe the motion of viscous fluids and are among these problems.
- The Fields Medal is awarded annually by the Clay Mathematics Institute.
- 1 and 2 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
❓ FAQs
Frequently asked exam-oriented questions — 10 September 2026 edition
What is the difference between the NPR and the NRC, and why is the Census link contentious?
Why does the Supreme Court hesitate to order prosecution for marital rape?
Why is a tiered sugar tax considered superior to a flat GST slab?
How would extending Article 371 to Ladakh differ from Sixth Schedule inclusion?
Why does open waste burning matter for health if it contributes under 1% of city emissions?
What is the legal issue in using copyrighted books to train AI models?
Take the Next Step
Qualify Prelims? Start Mains Prep with Legacy IAS
Expert faculty, structured GS & Optional guidance, and Bangalore's most trusted UPSC coaching — all under one roof.
Jayanagar, Bengaluru · Classroom & Online · legacyias.com
Analysis based on The Hindu, Bengaluru City Edition, 10 September 2026. Prepared for academic use. Static background and frameworks added for exam preparation; original article text has been paraphrased, not reproduced.


