A crisis of democratic order occurs when the foundational institutions of democracy — the rule of law, fundamental rights, separation of powers, federalism, and inclusive governance — come under severe strain from internal or external forces. India’s post-independence history is punctuated by multiple such crises: the Emergency, communal violence, insurgencies, secessionist movements, and the erosion of secular-democratic norms.

What makes India’s experience unique is not the existence of crises — every democracy faces them — but the institutional resilience that has enabled recovery each time. The Constitution, an independent judiciary, a vibrant civil society, and a sovereign electorate have repeatedly corrected course when democratic order was threatened.

• Economic crisis: 1973 oil shock → severe inflation (~30%); industrial stagnation; food price spikes; widespread unemployment; railway strike (1974) suppressed harshly
• Gujarat & Bihar movements: Gujarat Nav Nirman Andolan (1974) forced dissolution of state assembly; Bihar movement under JP expanded into a national anti-Congress agitation
• Conflict with judiciary: Kesavananda Bharati (1973) established the Basic Structure doctrine, limiting Parliament’s amendment power; supersession of judges (Justices Shelat, Grover, Hegde) angered the legal community; Allahabad HC verdict (June 1975) invalidated Indira’s election

• Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) was a freedom fighter, Gandhian socialist, and the most respected non-Congress leader — his entry into active politics in 1974 transformed a regional student movement into a national challenge
• “Sampoorna Kranti” (Total Revolution): JP demanded transformation across seven dimensions — political, economic, social, cultural, educational, ideological, and spiritual. This was ambitious but lacked a concrete programmatic framework
• Key demands: End corruption; dissolve Bihar assembly; call fresh elections; establish “people’s government” (Lokniti)
• Impact on Indian politics: United disparate opposition (RSS, socialists, liberals); laid the groundwork for the Janata coalition (1977); revived extra-parliamentary mass movements; forced Indira’s hand — she used the movement as justification for Emergency

• Institutional safeguards strengthened: 44th Amendment made Art. 21 non-suspendable; “armed rebellion” replaced “internal disturbance”; Cabinet’s written advice required for Emergency
• Judicial activism born: SC’s complicity in ADM Jabalpur led to post-Emergency judicial assertiveness — PIL, expanded Art. 21, Basic Structure enforcement (Minerva Mills 1980)
• Democratic vigilance: Civil society, media, and opposition became permanently suspicious of executive overreach; the Emergency became a benchmark against which all future threats to democracy are measured
• Electoral accountability proved: The 1977 verdict demonstrated that Indian voters would punish authoritarianism — the ultimate democratic safeguard

• 1977 Lok Sabha election: Janata Party (merger of Congress(O), Jana Sangh, BLD, Socialist Party) won 298 seats; Congress reduced to 154; Indira and Sanjay lost their seats
• Janata Party experiment: Morarji Desai became PM; but the coalition was ideologically incoherent — socialists, Hindu nationalists, and centrists could not agree on governance agenda
• Key achievements: 44th Amendment (restoring democratic safeguards); Mandal Commission appointed (OBC reservations); civil liberties restored; MISA repealed
• Collapse: Internal contradictions — “dual membership” controversy (RSS-Jana Sangh members); personal rivalries (Morarji vs Charan Singh); government fell in July 1979; Charan Singh’s 23-day PM tenure; fresh elections (1980)
• Indira returns (1980): Won massive mandate; demonstrated both the electorate’s punishment and forgiveness capacities

• Jana Sangh roots: Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951) — founded by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee; ideologically linked to RSS; Hindu nationalist orientation; merged into Janata Party (1977)
• BJP formation (1980): After Janata collapse, Jana Sangh faction reconstituted as the Bharatiya Janata Party under Vajpayee’s leadership; initially adopted “Gandhian socialism” — a moderate positioning
• Ideological shift (late 1980s): Under L.K. Advani’s influence, BJP adopted Hindutva as its core ideology; Ram Janmabhoomi movement became its primary mobilisation tool; Rath Yatra (1990) transformed BJP from a marginal party (2 seats in 1984) to a major national force
• Opposition role: BJP provided the first credible national alternative to Congress; NDA coalition (1998–2004) under Vajpayee demonstrated that non-Congress governance could be stable and effective

• Definition: Communalism is the political mobilisation of a religious community for secular (political/economic) objectives, based on the belief that a religious community constitutes a distinct political entity with interests opposed to other communities
• Colonial roots: British “divide and rule” — separate electorates (Morley-Minto 1909); communal award (1932); fostered Hindu-Muslim political competition. Colonial historiography promoted the “Hindu-Muslim antagonism” narrative
• Post-colonial evolution: Despite constitutional secularism, communalism persisted through political mobilisation — Partition’s trauma, Hindu nationalist assertion (RSS/Jana Sangh/BJP), and minority insecurity all fed communal politics
• Three stages (Bipan Chandra’s framework): (1) Community interests are seen as divergent; (2) Interests are framed as antagonistic; (3) The “other” community is seen as an enemy — justifying violence

• Indian model: “Principled distance” (Rajeev Bhargava) — the state is not anti-religious but maintains equal respect for all religions while intervening to reform unjust religious practices
• Constitutional provisions: Preamble (“secular” — 42nd Amendment); Art. 25–28 (freedom of religion); Art. 14–15 (equality, non-discrimination); Art. 29–30 (minority rights)
• Challenges: Uniform Civil Code debate (Art. 44); communal riots and state complicity; politicisation of religion; majority-minority framing of politics; Shah Bano case (1985) — executive overriding judiciary on personal law

• Politicisation of religion: Communal riots have often occurred with state complicity or negligence — 1984 anti-Sikh riots, 1992–93 Mumbai riots, 2002 Gujarat riots all involved allegations of political direction or police inaction
• Administrative bias: During communal violence, police and administration often exhibit biases — delayed response, selective prosecution, differential FIR filing — eroding minority confidence in state institutions
• Rule of law concerns: Justice Srikrishna Commission (Mumbai riots), Nanavati Commission (Gujarat), and various judicial inquiries have documented failures of state machinery. Convictions remain disproportionately low
• Electoral incentives: Communal polarisation benefits parties that mobilise on religious identity; riots create “vote banks” on both sides — incentivising rather than deterring communal politics

• Identity politics: Globalisation, urbanisation, and social dislocation have created anxieties that communal actors exploit — framing economic competition in religious terms
• Electoral mobilisation: Ram Janmabhoomi movement (1980s–90s) demonstrated that communalism could be electorally profitable; cow protection, love jihad, and conversion narratives serve similar functions
• Media & social narratives: 24/7 television and social media amplify communal narratives; WhatsApp and Facebook have been linked to mob violence; “fake news” and “hate speech” operate in a regulatory vacuum
• Structural factors: Economic inequality, ghettoisation of minorities, and discriminatory practices in housing and employment create fertile ground for communal mobilisation

• Background: Godhra train burning (27 Feb 2002) — 59 passengers (kar sevaks returning from Ayodhya) killed. This was followed by widespread anti-Muslim violence across Gujarat
• Scale: Official death toll: ~1,044 (790 Muslims, 254 Hindus); unofficial estimates higher; ~2,500 injured; 200,000+ displaced; property destruction extensive
• Role of state machinery: Multiple credible investigations (Concerned Citizens Tribunal headed by Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer; NHRC; SIT appointed by SC) documented police complicity, administrative failure, and political signals that enabled the violence
• Judicial response: SC-appointed Special Investigation Team (SIT) investigated key cases; Best Bakery, Bilkis Bano, and Gulberg Society cases resulted in convictions after SC transferred trials out of Gujarat; but many cases remain unresolved
• Political aftermath: BJP won Gujarat elections in Dec 2002; communal polarisation proved electorally effective in the short term; long-term damage to India’s secular fabric and international image

• Anandpur Sahib Resolution (1973): Akali Dal demanded greater state autonomy — river water rights, Chandigarh transfer, constitutional restructuring of Centre-state relations. These were federal demands, not secessionist
• Rise of Bhindranwale: Initially promoted by Congress as a counter to Akalis; grew into an armed radical demanding Khalistan (separate Sikh state); fortified the Akal Takht within the Golden Temple
• Federal tensions: Centre’s refusal to engage meaningfully with Akali demands, combined with its cultivation of Bhindranwale, escalated a political crisis into a security emergency
• Militancy phase (1984–93): Post-Blue Star, militancy intensified; targeted killings, hijackings, and terrorist attacks; eventually suppressed through a combination of police operations (especially under KPS Gill) and political exhaustion

• Linguistic: Linguistic reorganisation of states (1956) acknowledged regional identity; language remains the strongest marker of regional identity (Tamil, Bengali, Marathi pride)
• Economic: Uneven development creates grievances — “internal colonialism” perception (resource-rich states feeling exploited; backward regions demanding separate statehood)
• Cultural: Distinct cultural traditions, cuisines, art forms, and social structures create regional consciousness — reinforced by vernacular media
• Political: Centralisation by national parties creates space for regional parties articulating local aspirations; FPTP system allows regional parties to dominate state-level politics with concentrated support

• Secessionist tendencies: Some movements escalate from autonomy demands to separatism (Kashmir, Nagaland, Khalistan) — threatening territorial integrity
• Centre-state tensions: Governor’s role, Article 356 misuse, fiscal disputes, river water sharing conflicts create friction between regional and national governments
• Policy coordination: National policies (GST, NEP, environmental regulation) face resistance when states perceive imposition without consultation
• Sub-regional demands: Demands for new states (Telangana achieved; Vidarbha, Gorkhaland, Bodoland pending) create new layers of regional identity and potential conflict

Key Accommodation Mechanisms

• Federalism: Linguistic reorganisation (1956); new states created to accommodate regional demands (Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh — 2000; Telangana — 2014)
• Autonomy provisions: Art. 370 (J&K — now abrogated); Art. 371A–J (special provisions for NE states, Goa, etc.); 6th Schedule (Autonomous District Councils for tribal areas)
• Political dialogue: Peace accords — Mizo Accord (1986), Assam Accord (1985), Bodo Accord (2020), Naga Framework Agreement (2015); integrating insurgent groups into democratic politics
• Fiscal devolution: Finance Commission recommendations; GST compensation; special category status — ensuring economic integration accompanies political accommodation
• Development as integration: NE development packages; tribal sub-plans; border area development programmes — addressing root causes of alienation

India’s Institutional Strength

• The Constitution’s Basic Structure doctrine prevents authoritarian constitutional amendments — the most important safeguard against democratic backsliding
• An independent judiciary has repeatedly corrected executive overreach — from Kesavananda Bharati to Minerva Mills to riot case transfers
• Free elections have never been suspended (except during Emergency, which itself was electorally punished); the Election Commission has maintained credibility across 17 general elections
• Federal accommodation of diversity — linguistic states, tribal autonomy, special provisions, peace accords — has prevented India from disintegrating despite predictions at independence

Way Forward for Inclusive Democracy

• Strengthen institutional autonomy: EC, judiciary, CAG, CBI must be insulated from executive interference through transparent appointment processes and security of tenure
• Combat communalism through rule of law: Swift prosecution of riot perpetrators (including state actors); anti-hate speech enforcement; communal violence bill (pending since 2011)
• Deepen federalism: Genuine devolution of power; respect for state autonomy on concurrent list subjects; revitalise Inter-State Council; implement Punchhi Commission recommendations
• Address root causes of extremism: Land reform in LWE areas; PESA and FRA implementation; development-security balance; tribal rights protection
• Democratic culture: Beyond institutions, democracy requires a culture of tolerance, dissent, and deliberation — media literacy, civic education, and inter-community dialogue are essential