India–China Relations
PYQ Heat Map • Answer Frameworks • Prelims MCQs • FAQs
Table of Contents
- Executive Summary
- Historical Evolution (1950–Today)
- Structural Drivers of the Relationship
- Key Flashpoints / Areas of Conflict
- Border Management Architecture
- Contemporary Border Situation & Lessons (Till 2025)
- China–Pakistan Axis & Implications for India
- Indian Ocean & Maritime Competition
- Water & Environmental Security
- Trade & Economic Relations
- Technology & Security
- South China Sea & India’s Position
- OBOR/BRI & India’s Response
- Multilateral & Regional Platforms
- Areas of Cooperation
- Competition Zones
- Role of External Powers
- Possible Future Scenarios
- Way Forward: A Balanced India Strategy
- UPSC PYQs & PYQ Heat Map
- Mains Practice Questions & Answer Frameworks
- Prelims-Style MCQs
- FAQs (Collapsible)
1. Executive Summary
India–China relations represent one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the 21st century. As two nuclear-armed civilisational states with 3,488 km of contested border, their equation shapes not just Asian but global geopolitics. The relationship oscillates between managed competition and periodic crises, underpinned by a growing trade relationship coexisting with deep strategic mistrust.
Five Key Takeaways
- The unresolved LAC dispute remains the single biggest irritant; post-2020 border dynamics have created a ‘new normal’ of enhanced military deployments on both sides.
- Trade deficit exceeding $85 billion (2023–24) reflects structural asymmetry in manufacturing competitiveness, making economic decoupling a live policy question.
- China–Pakistan nexus, especially CPEC through PoK, creates a two-front strategic challenge and raises sovereignty concerns for India.
- Indo-Pacific strategy, Quad, and maritime domain awareness have emerged as India’s key counterbalancing tools against China’s expanding Indian Ocean presence.
- Despite rivalry, cooperation continues through BRICS, SCO, climate negotiations, and shared Global South concerns—reflecting the dual character of the relationship.
UPSC Keywords
- LAC • CBMs • BRI/CPEC • Quad • Indo-Pacific • Trade Deficit • Strategic Autonomy
- UNCLOS • Neighbourhood First • String of Pearls • SAGAR • Panchsheel • Salami Slicing
- De-escalation • Disengagement • Multi-alignment • Debt Diplomacy • Critical Minerals
2. Historical Evolution of India–China Relations (1950–Today)
The trajectory of India–China relations can be mapped across distinct phases—from early bonhomie through conflict to the current era of complex engagement. On 1 April 1950, India became the first non-socialist bloc country to establish diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China.
Timeline of Key Milestones
| Year/Period | Event | Significance |
|---|---|---|
| 1950 | India recognises PRC | First non-communist country to do so; Nehru’s Asia solidarity vision |
| 1954 | Panchsheel Agreement signed | Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence; ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai-Bhai’ era |
| 1959 | Dalai Lama seeks refuge in India | First serious diplomatic strain; Tibet becomes a permanent irritant |
| 1962 | Sino-Indian Border War | Military defeat for India; destroyed trust; reshaped India’s defence posture |
| 1976 | Ambassadors restored | Gradual normalisation after Cultural Revolution period |
| 1988 | PM Rajiv Gandhi visits China | First PM visit in 34 years; began a reset in bilateral engagement |
| 1993 | Peace & Tranquillity Agreement (PM Rao) | First CBM on LAC; framework for border management |
| 1996 | Agreement on CBMs in Military Field | Strengthened confidence-building along LAC |
| 2003 | Special Representatives (SR) Mechanism | Appointed SRs for boundary question; 22+ rounds completed |
| 2005 | Agreement on Political Parameters | Framework for eventual boundary settlement |
| 2017 | Doklam Standoff (73 days) | India’s strategic resistance at Bhutan tri-junction; resolved diplomatically |
| 2018 | Wuhan Informal Summit | Reset after Doklam; leader-level ‘strategic communication’ channel |
| 2019 | Mamallapuram Informal Summit | Continued momentum; agreed on trade facilitation |
| 2020 | Galwan Valley Clash | First fatal military clash in 45 years; 20 Indian soldiers martyred; watershed moment |
| 2020–23 | Phased disengagement | Partial pullback at Pangong Tso, Gogra-Hot Springs; trust severely eroded |
| 2024–25 | Border agreement; diplomatic reset | Restoration of patrolling; cautious re-engagement underway |
How History Shapes Present Mistrust
- The 1962 war created a generational trust deficit that continues to colour Indian strategic thinking and public opinion.
- China’s consistent refusal to clarify LAC perceptions perpetuates ambiguity that enables salami-slicing tactics.
- Despite multiple agreements and summits, the gap between diplomatic assurances and ground realities has widened—especially post-2020.
3. Structural Drivers of the Relationship
Even in the absence of immediate border crises, the India–China relationship is structurally prone to tension. Several deep-rooted factors ensure that competition remains the default mode of interaction.
Mindmap: Structural Drivers
INDIA–CHINA: STRUCTURAL DRIVERS
│
┌─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────┐
│ │ │ │ │
GEOGRAPHY POWER NATIONALISM ECONOMY EXTERNAL
• Himalayas ASYMMETRY • Domestic • Trade ACTORS
• Maritime • GDP gap pressure deficit • US-China
chokepoints • Military • Historical • Supply rivalry
• Shared • Tech gap memory chain • Pak factor
rivers • Status dependence • Russia
competition • Japan/Quad
- Geography: The Himalayas create a contested 3,488 km frontier. India’s Andaman & Nicobar Islands sit astride the Malacca Strait—China’s most critical energy chokepoint. Shared rivers (Brahmaputra) add a hydro-political dimension.
- Asymmetry & Ambition: China’s GDP is roughly five times India’s; its defence budget roughly four times larger. Both aspire to great-power status, creating inevitable friction over influence in Asia and global institutions.
- Nationalism & Domestic Politics: The 1962 war legacy shapes Indian public opinion; Chinese ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy and narratives around territorial integrity (Tibet, Arunachal) fuel mutual suspicion.
- Economic Interdependence with Strategic Mistrust: Despite bilateral trade exceeding $136 billion, Indian concerns about Chinese dumping, data security, and critical supply-chain dependence coexist with economic engagement.
4. Key Flashpoints / Areas of Conflict
4(a) Tibet & Dalai Lama
Tibet remains China’s most sensitive ‘core interest’ in the bilateral context. The Dalai Lama’s presence in India since 1959 and the functioning of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile in Dharamsala have been a permanent diplomatic irritant for Beijing.
- China’s position: Tibet is a non-negotiable internal matter; any interaction with the Dalai Lama is viewed as interference in sovereignty.
- India’s position: India extended humanitarian refuge; does not use Tibet as a ‘card’ but has not formally endorsed China’s ‘One China’ policy in a comprehensive joint statement.
- UPSC angle: Tibet connects to border legitimacy (McMahon Line), cultural identity, and how rising powers manage sovereignty sensitivities.
4(b) Border Dispute: Aksai Chin & Arunachal Pradesh
The India–China border dispute has two principal theatres. The western sector involves Aksai Chin (~38,000 sq km), controlled by China but claimed by India. The eastern sector involves Arunachal Pradesh (~90,000 sq km), administered by India but claimed by China as ‘South Tibet.’
| Issue | China’s Concern | India’s Concern | Current Status | UPSC Angle |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aksai Chin | Strategic road (G219) linking Tibet to Xinjiang | Sovereignty over territory in Ladakh | Controlled by China since 1950s | CPEC/PoK link; infra race |
| Arunachal Pradesh | ‘South Tibet’ claim; Tawang’s Buddhist significance | Integral part of India; McMahon Line validity | Administered by India; China issues stapled visas | Act East connectivity; identity politics |
| LAC Ambiguity | Prefers status quo; avoids map exchange | Wants LAC clarification via map exchange | No agreed LAC; different perceptions at 20+ points | CBMs vs code of conduct debate |
| Infrastructure Race | Rapid development in Tibet (rail, roads, airbases) | BRO acceleration; Atal Tunnel; DSDBO road | Both sides building rapidly near LAC | Military logistics; escalation risk |
Why LAC Ambiguity Matters
Unlike the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan, the LAC has never been formally delineated on a map accepted by both sides. This creates ‘grey zones’ where patrol routes overlap, leading to face-offs, infrastructure contestation, and the possibility of escalation from tactical incidents to strategic crises.
5. Border Management Architecture
India and China have built a layered framework of agreements and CBMs to manage the unsettled border. However, the architecture has shown significant limitations when tested by large-scale transgressions.
Key Agreements & CBMs
| Year | Agreement/Mechanism | Key Provision |
|---|---|---|
| 1993 | Peace and Tranquillity Agreement | Neither side to use/threaten force; maintain status quo |
| 1996 | CBMs in Military Field along LAC | Limits on exercises, weapons, aircraft near LAC; flag meetings |
| 2003 | Special Representatives Mechanism | Political-level boundary negotiations; strategic dialogue |
| 2005 | Political Parameters & Guiding Principles | Framework principles for eventual boundary settlement |
| 2012 | WMCC (Working Mechanism for Consultation) | Diplomatic hotline; regular meetings for border incidents |
| 2013 | Border Defence Cooperation Agreement | No tailing of patrols; flag meetings within 48 hours |
Flowchart: Border Management Logic
Agreement Framework → CBMs/Hotlines → Patrol Protocols → Friction Points Emerge
↓ ↓
Trust Building Escalation Risk
↓ ↓
Disengagement/De-escalation ←←←←←←← Crisis Management ←←←←←←←┘
Why Mechanisms Fail
- Trust deficit: Post-2020 events showed agreements do not prevent transgressions when one side alters status quo.
- Verification gap: No joint patrolling maps; CBMs rely on goodwill rather than enforcement.
- New tactics: Civilian militia, rapid infrastructure, dual-use villages challenge existing protocols.
- Infrastructure asymmetry: China’s superior logistics in Tibet enabled faster mobilisation.
6. Contemporary Border Situation & Lessons (Till 2025)
The Galwan Valley clash of June 2020 marked a watershed in India–China border dynamics. It was the first fatal military confrontation in 45 years, resulting in 20 Indian soldiers being martyred. This fundamentally altered the security calculus on both sides.
Post-2020 ‘New Normal’
- Phased Disengagement: Pullback achieved at Pangong Tso (North & South banks), Gogra-Hot Springs, and other friction points through Corps Commander-level talks.
- Buffer Zones: Disengagement created buffer zones where neither side patrols—effectively shrinking India’s patrolling territory in some areas.
- Militarisation: Both sides maintain forward-deployed forces at much higher levels than pre-2020; de-escalation lags behind disengagement.
- 2024–25 Developments: Border agreement restoring patrolling at some points; cautious diplomatic re-engagement; trust remains fragile.
UPSC Value Addition: Conclusion for Border Questions
- Acknowledge complexity—purely military or diplomatic solutions are insufficient.
- Stress comprehensive approach: surveillance + logistics + diplomacy + crisis protocols.
- Mention India’s infrastructure acceleration (Atal Tunnel, DSDBO road, ALGs) as long-term deterrence.
- Conclude: ‘Peace through strength, engagement through clarity, deterrence without escalation.’
7. China–Pakistan Axis & Implications for India
The China–Pakistan relationship, described as ‘all-weather’ and ‘iron brotherhood,’ is central to India’s strategic calculus. CPEC, passing through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, directly challenges India’s sovereignty claims.
| Dimension | What China Gains | What Pakistan Gains | India’s Challenge | India’s Response |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Strategic | Access to Arabian Sea; encirclement of India | Nuclear/missile tech; UNSC veto shield | Two-front pressure; PoK sovereignty | Quad; defence modernisation |
| Economic | CPEC corridor ($62 bn+); energy route | Infrastructure; employment; energy | Legitimisation of PoK occupation | Chabahar, INSTC, IMEC |
| Military | Naval base potential (Gwadar); arms sales | Advanced weapons (JF-17, frigates) | Force posture on two fronts | Mountain Strike Corps; theatre commands |
| Diplomatic | Pakistan as vote bank (OIC, UNGA) | Backing on Kashmir at UNSC | Blocking UNSC/NSG bids | Multi-alignment; Gulf/ASEAN ties |
| Limits | Pakistan instability; BLA attacks; debt | Chinese conditionality; debt trap | — | Exploit contradictions prudently |
8. Indian Ocean & Maritime Competition
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has emerged as a primary theatre of India–China strategic competition. China’s expanding naval footprint—through port access, logistics facilities, and dual-use infrastructure—directly challenges India’s traditional maritime primacy.
String of Pearls: China’s IOR Footprint
CHINA's IOR STRATEGY (Selected Facilities) ──────────────────────────────────────────── • Gwadar (Pakistan) → Port + potential naval base • Hambantota (Sri Lanka) → 99-year lease; dual-use concerns • Chittagong (Bangladesh) → Port modernisation; submarine sales • Kyaukpyu (Myanmar) → Deep-sea port + oil/gas pipeline • Djibouti (Horn of Africa) → China's first overseas military base • Maldives, Seychelles → Periodic engagement; monitoring stations
India’s Response: SAGAR & Beyond
- SAGAR: PM Modi’s 2015 doctrine for cooperative maritime security in the IOR.
- Andaman & Nicobar: Tri-service command upgrade; forward base near Malacca Strait.
- Maritime Domain Awareness: IFC-IOR in Gurugram; coastal radar network.
- Partnerships: Quad maritime exercises; agreements with France, US (LEMOA, BECA), Japan (ACSA), Australia (MLSA).
9. Water & Environmental Security
The Brahmaputra (Yarlung Tsangpo in Tibet) is the primary flashpoint. China’s dam-building on the upper Brahmaputra, combined with sporadic data-sharing and climate change impacts on Himalayan glaciers, has created a multi-dimensional security challenge.
Risk Matrix
| Issue | Risk Level | Key Concern | Possible CBM |
|---|---|---|---|
| Dam construction on Brahmaputra | HIGH | Flow diversion; downstream impact on NE India, Bangladesh | Institutionalised data-sharing; joint monitoring |
| Hydrological data sharing | MEDIUM | Suspended during tensions; critical for flood warning | Year-round automated exchange; third-party verification |
| Himalayan glacier melt | HIGH | Glacial retreat; GLOFs (glacial lake outburst floods) | Joint scientific research; early warning systems |
| Water as strategic leverage | MEDIUM | Potential weaponisation during crises | Water-sharing treaty (Indus Waters model) |
10. Trade & Economic Relations
Bilateral trade crossed $136 billion in FY 2023–24. However, India’s trade deficit with China—exceeding $85 billion—is its largest with any single country, reflecting deep structural asymmetries.
Trade Deficit: Causes and Responses
| Deficit Driver | Why It Persists | India’s Response |
|---|---|---|
| Manufacturing gap | China’s scale, subsidies, ecosystem in electronics, machinery | PLI schemes; Make in India 2.0; semiconductor mission |
| Raw materials vs finished goods | India exports iron ore, cotton; imports high-value electronics | Value addition push; export diversification |
| Market access barriers | Non-tariff barriers; limited access for Indian IT, pharma | WTO disputes; bilateral negotiations |
| Supply chain dependence | 70% APIs; critical electronics from China | API parks; electronics clusters; China+1 |
| Currency dynamics | Renminbi management; rupee depreciation | Local currency trade; rupee internationalisation |
Flowchart: From Dependence to Resilience
Dependence on Chinese imports → Vulnerability (supply disruptions, price shocks)
↓
Policy Response: PLI + API parks + semiconductor mission + China+1
↓
Diversification (Vietnam, Taiwan, domestic) → Medium-term resilience
↓
Long-term goal: Strategic autonomy in critical sectors
11. Technology & Security
Technology has emerged as a new frontier in India–China competition, ranging from telecom infrastructure to data sovereignty, critical minerals, and digital standards.
- Telecom & Data Security: India banned 300+ Chinese apps post-2020; restricted Chinese participation in 5G trials; concerns over data routing.
- Critical Minerals: China controls 60–70% of global rare earth processing. India’s KABIL seeks diversification through Australia, Argentina, Chile partnerships.
- Manufacturing Ecosystem: Chinese dominance in solar panels, Li-ion batteries, electronics creates vulnerability. PLI and semiconductor policies aim to build alternatives.
- Cyber Security: Both sides engage in cyber reconnaissance; India’s National Cyber Security Strategy seeks resilience.
12. South China Sea & India’s Position
The SCS dispute involves China, Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan. Nearly 55% of India’s trade with the Asia-Pacific transits through the SCS.
- UNCLOS & International Law: India supports freedom of navigation as per UNCLOS; backed the 2016 PCA ruling rejecting China’s nine-dash line claims.
- India–Vietnam Cooperation: ONGC Videsh has oil exploration blocks in Vietnam’s EEZ; India provides defence training and equipment.
- Strategic Significance: SCS connects to Act East Policy, Quad engagement, and Indo-Pacific vision.
UPSC-Ready Stance on SCS
- India supports freedom of navigation, peaceful resolution under UNCLOS, and ASEAN centrality. India does not take sides on sovereignty claims but upholds the rules-based maritime order. India has legitimate commercial interests (oil exploration with Vietnam) and strategic interests (trade route security) in the SCS.
13. OBOR/BRI & India’s Response
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), announced in 2013, is China’s signature foreign policy project—comprising the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Over 140 countries have signed cooperation agreements.
BRI: Promise vs Risks
| BRI Promise | BRI Risk |
|---|---|
| Infrastructure for connectivity-starved regions | Debt trap—Hambantota, Zambia, Laos examples |
| Trade facilitation across Eurasia | Lack of transparency; no competitive bidding |
| Energy corridor diversification | Environmental concerns; community displacement |
| Financial architecture (AIIB, Silk Road Fund) | Dual-use military implications of ports |
| South-South cooperation narrative | Sovereignty erosion through CPEC (PoK) |
India’s Core Objection & Alternatives
- Sovereignty: CPEC through PoK—India’s non-negotiable objection.
- Transparency: Concerns about opaque processes in BRI projects.
- India’s Alternatives: Chabahar Port; INSTC; IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe); AAGC (with Japan); Kaladan, MVA corridors.
14. Multilateral & Regional Platforms
| Platform | Cooperation | Competition |
|---|---|---|
| BRICS | NDB lending; IMF/WB reform; BRICS+ expansion | China’s dominance in agenda-setting |
| SCO | Counter-terrorism; connectivity; energy | Pakistan’s membership; China-Russia alignment |
| AIIB | India is 2nd-largest shareholder | Chinese leadership; project priorities |
| G20 | Global South voice; climate finance | UNSC reform; trade rules |
| UNGA/UNSC | Climate, development alignment | China blocks India’s UNSC/NSG bids |
15. Areas of Cooperation
- Climate Negotiations: Both advocate CBDR; joint resistance to premature net-zero for developing nations; BASIC group cooperation.
- Global South Issues: Shared positions on tech transfer, IPR flexibility, vaccine equity, financial institution reform.
- Trade: Bilateral trade exceeds $136 billion; complementarities in manufacturing-services.
- People-to-People: 23,000+ Indian students pre-COVID; Buddhist heritage tourism; Yoga promotion in China.
16. Competition Zones
- Neighbourhood: Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Maldives—China’s investment and influence have grown across India’s traditional sphere.
- Africa: Both compete for resources, markets, and diplomatic support. India leverages diaspora and ITEC; China uses infrastructure investment.
- Global Institutions: UNSC reform, NSG membership, norm-setting in cyber/space/AI—frequently on opposing sides.
17. Role of External Powers
- United States: US-China rivalry is the defining geopolitical contest. India benefits from tech partnerships, Quad, and defence deals but maintains ‘multi-alignment.’
- Russia: Close to both. Russia-China ‘no limits’ partnership complicates India’s balancing; defence/energy dependence is a tightrope.
- Japan: India’s most natural partner. 2+2 dialogue, bullet train, supply chain initiative, Quad alignment.
- ASEAN: ASEAN centrality in Indo-Pacific; Act East partners seek diversification through India.
- Multi-Alignment: India avoids rigid blocs, engaging with both Quad and SCO/BRICS simultaneously.
18. Possible Future Scenarios
Scenario 1: Managed Competition (Most Likely)
- Triggers: Continued LAC stability; diplomatic engagement; economic pragmatism.
- Indicators: Regular SR/FM-level talks; partial trade normalisation; issue-based cooperation.
- India’s Best Response: Maintain military deterrence + selective engagement; build alternative supply chains; deepen Quad without antagonising.
Scenario 2: Border Stabilisation + Economic Re-engagement
- Triggers: Comprehensive disengagement + de-escalation; leadership-level political will.
- Indicators: Full restoration of pre-2020 patrolling; cultural exchange resumption.
- India’s Best Response: Negotiate from strength; secure border protocols before economic concessions.
Scenario 3: Crisis Escalation (Low Probability, High Impact)
- Triggers: LAC incident escalating beyond control; Taiwan crisis spillover; nationalist pressure.
- Indicators: Military buildup beyond current levels; diplomatic channel breakdown.
- India’s Best Response: Crisis communication protocols; coalition-building; rapid mobilisation capacity.
19. Way Forward: A Balanced India Strategy
India’s approach to China must be comprehensive, calibrated, and rooted in national interest rather than emotion.
7-Point Way Forward Framework
- 1. BORDER: Maintain credible deterrence; accelerate infrastructure; establish crisis protocols; insist on LAC clarification.
- 2. ECONOMY: Reduce critical dependence through PLI, domestic manufacturing, and diversification; pursue targeted engagement where beneficial.
- 3. DIPLOMACY: Institutionalise leader-level dialogue; rebuild CBMs; maintain red lines on sovereignty (PoK/CPEC).
- 4. REGIONAL: Strengthen Neighbourhood First; offer credible alternatives to BRI; invest in BIMSTEC, IOR connectivity.
- 5. MARITIME: Build naval capability; expand Quad cooperation; enhance IOR surveillance; leverage Andaman & Nicobar.
- 6. TECHNOLOGY: Invest in indigenous AI, semiconductors, cyber; diversify critical minerals; strengthen data sovereignty.
- 7. NARRATIVE: Avoid complacency and alarmism; project India as responsible stakeholder; build coalitions on rules-based order.
20. UPSC PYQs on India–China Relations
A. Mains PYQs (from GS Paper II PYQ Analysis)
The following questions are drawn from the attached GS2 PYQ Analysis document. Questions directly or substantially related to India–China relations:
| Year | Question (Summary) | Theme |
|---|---|---|
| 2013 | What do you understand by ‘The String of Pearls’? How does it impact India? Briefly outline steps taken by India to counter this. | Indian Ocean / Maritime |
| 2014 | With respect to the South China Sea, maritime territorial disputes and rising tension affirm the need for safeguarding maritime security. Discuss bilateral issues between India and China. | SCS / Maritime Security |
| 2017 | ‘China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia.’ Discuss its impact on India. | Trade / Security Nexus |
| 2019 | ‘The long sustained image of India as a leader of the oppressed nations has disappeared on account of its new found role in the emerging global order.’ Elaborate. | India’s World Role |
| 2020 | Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) is transforming itself into a trade bloc from a military alliance. Discuss. | Quad / Indo-Pacific |
| 2020 | Significance of Indo-US deals over Indo-Russian defence deals with reference to Indo-Pacific stability. | Indo-Pacific Balance |
| 2021 | ‘The USA is facing an existential threat in the form of China more challenging than the erstwhile Soviet Union.’ Explain. | US–China / Global Order |
| 2021 | Critically examine aims and objectives of SCO. What importance does it hold for India? | SCO / Multilateral |
| 2021 | The newly tri-nation partnership AUKUS is aimed at countering China’s ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. Discuss. | AUKUS / Indo-Pacific |
| 2022 | BIMSTEC as parallel organisation to SAARC? Similarities and dissimilarities. | Regional / Neighbourhood |
| 2022 | ‘India is an age-old friend of Sri Lanka.’ Discuss India’s role in recent Sri Lanka crisis. | Neighbourhood / China factor |
| 2022 | ‘Clean energy is the order of the day.’ India’s climate policy in geopolitics context. | Climate / Geopolitics |
| 2023 | Indian diaspora has scaled new heights in the West. Economic and political benefits for India. | Soft Power |
| 2023 | ‘Sea is an important component of the cosmos.’ Role of IMO in maritime safety. | Maritime / UNCLOS |
| 2023 | ‘Virus of conflict affecting SCO functioning.’ India’s role in mitigating problems. | SCO / China-India |
| 2024 | ‘The West is fostering India as alternative to reduce dependence on China’s supply chain.’ Explain with examples. | Supply Chain / China+1 |
| 2024 | Geopolitical importance of Maldives for India with focus on trade, energy, maritime security. | IOR / Neighbourhood |
| 2024 | ‘Terrorism as threat to global peace.’ Effectiveness of UNSC Counter Terrorism Committee. | UNSC / Global Security |
| 2024 | India’s evolving relations with Central Asian Republics—diplomatic, economic, strategic significance. | Central Asia / SCO |
B. PYQ Heat Map
| Theme | Frequency | Typical Demand | Key Years |
|---|---|---|---|
| Border / LAC / Boundary | MEDIUM | Analyse border management; CBMs; LAC dynamics | Indirect: 2017, 2024 |
| Indo-Pacific / Quad / AUKUS | HIGH | Evaluate strategic significance; India’s role | 2020, 2021 |
| Trade Deficit / Economic | HIGH | Trade as strategic tool; supply chain diversification | 2017, 2024 |
| Neighbourhood / CPEC / Pakistan | HIGH | China-Pak axis; neighbourhood policy | 2013, 2015, 2022, 2024 |
| Multilateral (SCO/BRICS/AIIB) | HIGH | India’s balancing role | 2014, 2021, 2023, 2024 |
| SCS / UNCLOS / Maritime | MEDIUM | India’s stance; freedom of navigation | 2014, 2023 |
| BRI / OBOR / Connectivity | MEDIUM | India’s objection; alternatives | Indirect: 2024 |
| US-China / Global Order | MEDIUM | Impact on India; multi-alignment | 2019, 2020, 2021 |
| Climate / Global South | LOW–MED | India-China cooperation areas | 2022 |
21. Mains Practice Questions & Answer Frameworks
10-Mark Questions
15-Mark Questions
22. Prelims-Style MCQs
23. Frequently Asked Questions
Q1. Why is the LAC not the same as an international border?
The LAC is a de facto ceasefire line that has never been jointly delineated on a map. Unlike the LoC with Pakistan (which follows a specific ceasefire line), the LAC is based on differing perceptions of both sides, leading to overlapping claims at over 20 points. It is not a legally recognised international boundary.
Q2. Why does CPEC matter to India?
CPEC passes through Gilgit-Baltistan in PoK—territory India claims as its own. India views CPEC as a violation of sovereignty and a strategic move to legitimise Pakistan’s occupation. Additionally, Gwadar port has dual-use military implications.
Q3. What is India’s official stance on the South China Sea?
India supports freedom of navigation and overflight per UNCLOS, peaceful resolution, and ASEAN centrality. India does not take sides on sovereignty claims but upholds the rules-based maritime order and has commercial interests (oil exploration with Vietnam) in the region.
Q4. What is the strategic importance of Arunachal Pradesh?
Arunachal is India’s northeastern frontier bordering Tibet. China claims it as ‘South Tibet.’ Tawang monastery has Tibetan Buddhist significance. Strategically, control affects Brahmaputra valley access, NE India connectivity, and the Siliguri Corridor.
Q5. Can India and China cooperate despite rivalry?
Yes—and they do. Both cooperate in BRICS, SCO, climate negotiations (BASIC), WTO, and Global South issues. The key is compartmentalisation: maintain security preparedness while pursuing engagement where interests align.
Q6. What is the difference between disengagement and de-escalation?
Disengagement = physical pullback of troops from friction points to agreed positions. De-escalation = broader reduction of forces to pre-crisis levels along the entire border. Post-2020, disengagement has progressed at some points, but de-escalation lags significantly.
Q7. What is India’s multi-alignment strategy?
Multi-alignment means engaging with multiple powers and groupings without rigid alliances. India participates in both Quad (US, Japan, Australia) and SCO/BRICS (China, Russia), maintaining strategic autonomy to pursue national interest.
Q8. What is the Quad and how does it relate to China?
The Quad brings together India, US, Japan, and Australia for a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ covering maritime security, tech, health, and climate. Widely seen as a counterbalance to China’s assertiveness, though India avoids anti-China framing.
Q9. Why is the Brahmaputra a potential flashpoint?
China’s dam-building on the upper Brahmaputra raises concerns about water diversion, flood control, and downstream impact on NE India and Bangladesh. Data-sharing has been sporadic and suspended during tensions.
Q10. What is the significance of Doklam (2017)?
Doklam was a 73-day standoff at the Bhutan-India-China tri-junction. India intervened to prevent Chinese road construction in territory claimed by Bhutan. It demonstrated India’s willingness to physically resist unilateral action.
Q11. How does the US-China rivalry affect India?
It creates both opportunities (tech partnerships, defence deals, supply chain diversification) and challenges (pressure to choose sides, Russia ties impact, secondary sanctions risk). India navigates through multi-alignment.
Q12. What is debt-trap diplomacy and is it relevant to India?
Extending excessive loans for infrastructure that recipients can’t repay, leading to strategic concessions (e.g., Hambantota). Relevant because it occurs in India’s neighbourhood—Sri Lanka, Maldives—creating Chinese influence.


