The Strait of Hormuz is a critical global oil chokepoint through which approximately 20% of the world’s oil passes. For India specifically, it is vital because India imports nearly 60% of its crude oil from West Asian countries, most of which is shipped through the Strait. A closure of the Strait — as is currently happening due to the U.S.-Israel-Iran war — forces Indian refineries to declare force majeure, disrupts LPG supply chains, and extends supply cycles. India maintains a 74-day Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) as a buffer, but prolonged disruption would severely impact India’s economy, inflation, and industrial output. This makes diversifying energy sources and accelerating the renewable transition a strategic imperative for India.

India’s 2035 NDC (Nationally Determined Contribution) submitted to UNFCCC under the Paris Agreement includes: (1) 60% of installed electric capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035 (up from 50% by 2030); (2) Reduce emissions intensity per unit of GDP by 47% from 2005 levels (up from 44%); (3) Create a carbon sink of 3.5–4 billion tonnes of CO₂ equivalent (up from 2.5–3 billion tonnes). Currently, India has achieved approximately 52% non-fossil installed capacity, but only 25% of actual electricity generation is from non-fossil sources — a critical gap. India was among the last G-20 nations to submit its 2035 NDC, alongside Argentina.

The Supreme Court’s 2014 NALSA v. Union of India judgment was a landmark ruling that recognised transgender persons as a “third gender” and upheld their right to self-perceived gender identity without requirement of surgery or medical certification. The 2026 Amendment Bill directly contradicts this by: (1) Removing the right to self-perceived gender identity from Section 4(2) of the 2019 Act; (2) Replacing the District Magistrate process with a medical board headed by a Chief Medical Officer; (3) Making medical board certification mandatory for obtaining transgender identity cards. A Supreme Court-constituted Advisory Committee headed by former Delhi HC judge Justice Asha Menon sent a resolution to the Government calling the Bill a “great shock” that would amount to a “tremendous setback” to transgender rights, specifically because it violates the NALSA verdict.

UDAN (Ude Desh ka Aam Nagrik) was launched in 2016 under India’s National Civil Aviation Policy (NCAP) to connect Tier-2 and Tier-3 cities through affordable regional air connectivity. Airlines operating on designated routes received Viability Gap Funding (VGF) subsidies for a fixed period. However, as per CAG reports and data presented in Parliament, only 7–10% of UDAN routes remained commercially viable after the subsidy ended, because many routes had insufficient passenger demand and poor last-mile connectivity. Of 663 routes launched since 2017, 327 have been discontinued; 15 of 95 revived airports are also back in disuse. The modified UDAN scheme extends the subsidy period from 3 to 5 years and shifts funding from an airfare levy to direct government exchequer funding.

India adopted the Flexible Inflation Targeting (FIT) framework in 2016 through amendments to the RBI Act, 1934. Under Section 45ZA of the RBI Act, the central government sets the inflation target “in consultation with the Reserve Bank.” The current target is 4% Consumer Price Index (CPI) inflation with a tolerance band of +/- 2% (i.e., upper limit 6%, lower limit 2%). The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) — a 6-member body comprising 3 RBI members (including the Governor who chairs and has a casting vote) and 3 external government-appointed members — is responsible for achieving this target through monetary policy decisions. The mandate has now been renewed for a third term (2026–2031) with the same targets unchanged.

Pakistan serving as a mediator between the U.S. and Iran in the West Asia conflict is significant for India for several reasons: (1) Diplomatic revival: It signals Pakistan’s continued geopolitical relevance despite its internal political and economic crises — countering India’s long-standing strategy of diplomatically isolating Pakistan. (2) Historical precedent: EAM Jaishankar noted Pakistan has played this mediatory “brokerage” role since 1981 (U.S.-Iran), 2004 (U.S.-Taliban), reinforcing Pakistan’s strategic value to Washington. (3) India’s counter-narrative: India has consistently argued Pakistan should be seen as a state sponsor of terror; its diplomatic role in a major global conflict undermines that narrative. (4) Regional positioning: An active Pakistan in West Asia reduces India’s unique positioning as a “trusted interlocutor” with all parties in the region.

India’s National Anthem is “Jana Gana Mana,” composed by Rabindranath Tagore, and was officially adopted on January 24, 1950. The National Song is “Vande Mataram,” composed by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, which was given equal status with the National Anthem on the same date by President Rajendra Prasad. Key constitutional distinctions: Article 51A (Fundamental Duties, 42nd Amendment 1976) mentions the duty to abide by the Constitution and respect the National Flag and National Anthem — but does NOT specifically mention the National Song. The Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971 governs the National Anthem and Flag. The Supreme Court has ruled (Bijoe Emmanuel, 1986) that individuals cannot be forced to sing the National Anthem if they respectfully stand. The government’s January 2026 advisory on Vande Mataram uses the word “may” — making it advisory, not mandatory.