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Current Affairs 21 August 2025

  1. Removing a Minister
  2. Nuclear laws and the role of Opposition
  3. Why India needs a national space law
  4. What are ‘machine readable’ electoral rolls?
  5. India successfully tests Agni-5 missile


Constitutional Context

  • Articles Involved:
    • Article 75 – Council of Ministers at Union level.
    • Article 164 – Council of Ministers in states.
    • Article 239AA – Special provisions for Delhi (Union Territory with Assembly).
  • Current framework:
    • Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President/Governor, on advice of PM/CM.
    • No explicit disqualification if a Minister faces criminal cases, unless convicted.

Relevance : GS 2(Polity , Constitution)

Proposed Amendment (Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty-Third) Amendment Bill, 2025)

  • Inserts a new clause:
    • A Minister detained in custody for ≥30 consecutive days for offences punishable with imprisonment of ≥5 years will be removed from office.
    • Removal is automatic, based on detention – not conviction.
    • Minister may return once released from custody.
  • Applies uniformly to Union, State, and UT Ministers.
  • Aims to prevent governance being run by Ministers in prolonged custody on serious charges.

Rationale for the Amendment

  • Governance Concerns:
    • Ministers in custody cannot discharge duties effectively.
    • Presence of tainted Ministers undermines public trust and constitutional morality.
  • Judicial Delay Factor:
    • Trials often take years, and Ministers continue in office while under serious criminal allegations.
  • Reform Need:
    • Current system allows even those with serious charges to be appointed Ministers until conviction.
    • Amendment seeks to close this gap.

Legal & Institutional Precedents

  • Law Commission Reports:
    • 170th Report (1999) – Suggested disqualification if charges involve ≥5 years imprisonment.
    • 244th Report (2014) – Reiterated same recommendation, with judicial scrutiny of charges.
  • Election Commission: Supported barring individuals facing serious charges.
  • Supreme Court Rulings:
    • Manoj Narula v. Union of India (2014): Court held there is no bar on appointing persons with criminal charges as Ministers, though PM should act as “repository of constitutional trust.
    • Emphasised moral responsibility over legal compulsion.
    • More recent SC observations (2024–25) – Raised concerns on Ministers like Senthil Balaji (Tamil Nadu) and Manish Sisodia (Delhi) continuing in office despite custody in corruption/money laundering cases.

Issues Raised

  • Constitutional Questions:
    • Does detention = disqualification, even before conviction?
    • Does it dilute the presumption of innocence?
  • Judicial Review:
    • Courts may need to clarify if removal is automatic or subject to review.
    • Distinction between custody vs. conviction remains critical.
  • Governance vs. Rights:
    • Balancing need for clean governance with rights of Ministers against premature punishment.

Practical Implications

  • For Chief Ministers/Prime Minister:
    • Amendment reduces discretion in retaining tainted Ministers.
    • Provides clear legal basis for removal.
  • For Legislatures:
    • Reinforces integrity in executive councils.
  • For Politics:
    • Likely to impact states/UTs where several Ministers are in custody due to corruption or money-laundering probes.
    • Example: Senthil Balaji (TN), Manish Sisodia (Delhi), Kejriwal (Delhi).

Criticisms & Challenges

  • Presumption of Innocence:
    • Critics argue removal upon detention (not conviction) undermines “innocent until proven guilty.”
  • Political Misuse:
    • Risk that investigative agencies may misuse detention to politically dislodge Ministers.
  • Judicial Burden:
    • Likely to increase petitions challenging detention and automatic removal.
  • Ambiguity:
    • What if a Minister is repeatedly bailed and re-arrested?
    • Does temporary bail reset the 30-day period?

Way Forward

  • Clear guidelines to prevent misuse of investigative powers.
  • Judicial safeguards (e.g., only charges framed by higher courts in serious offences to count).
  • Codifying disqualification in a manner that balances clean politics with fair trial rights.
  • Possible future debate on extending disqualification criteria to MPs/MLAs at the legislative entry stage.

Broader Significance

  • Strengthens constitutional morality and the principle of responsible government.
  • Reinforces the separation of powers by ensuring executive integrity.
  • Reflects India’s democratic maturity in addressing the criminalisation of politics.


Background & Context

  • Nuclear energy in India:
    • Currently contributes just 3% of Indias power generation.
    • Installed capacity (2024): 24 nuclear plants with 8.8 GW.
    • Targets: 22.48 GW by 2031-32, 100 GW by 2047 (aligned with clean energy & energy security goals).
  • Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Act, 2010 (CLNDA):
    • Enacted after Indias Civil Nuclear Agreement (2005–08) with the U.S.
    • Introduced liability framework for compensation in case of nuclear accidents.
    • Unique in holding suppliers of nuclear equipment liable, in addition to the operator (Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited – NPCIL).
    • This provision discouraged foreign suppliers (U.S., France, etc.) from entering Indian market.
  • Atomic Energy Act, 1962 (AEA):
    • Governs India’s nuclear sector.
    • Restricts participation to government-owned entities.
    • Private sector not allowed in nuclear energy production.

Relevance : GS 2(Governance), GS 3(Nuclear Energy)

Proposed Amendments

  • CLNDA amendment:
    • Aim: Limit or remove supplier liability for nuclear accidents.
    • Would bring India’s framework closer to the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage (CSC) standards (operator-only liability).
  • AEA amendment:
    • Aim: Permit private sector participation in nuclear power.
    • Long-debated issue since Raja Ramanna Committee report (1997).
    • Would open opportunities for private investment, especially in small modular reactors (SMRs).

Historical Context

  • 2007–2010 debates:
    • UPA govt. faced stiff opposition (BJP & Left parties) during CLNDA drafting.
    • Background:
      • 1984 Bhopal Gas Tragedy → heightened demand for corporate accountability.
      • 2010 Fukushima disaster → reinforced global concerns about nuclear safety.
    • Opposition insisted on strong supplier liability to safeguard citizens.
    • Result: Suppliers clause inserted, but foreign suppliers withdrew → nuclear deals stalled.
  • Earlier Opposition stances:
    • Patents Act amendment (1999–2005): Opposition initially blocked, later supported.
    • Insurance FDI & Land Boundary Agreement: Initially stalled, later supported.
    • Pattern: Opposition sometimes shifts stance when in power or national interest demands.

Current Political Dynamics

  • Governments Position (NDA):
    • Keen to amend CLNDA & AEA to:
      • Attract foreign suppliers (U.S., France, Russia).
      • Encourage private domestic players.
      • Accelerate nuclear capacity expansion to meet clean energy goals.
  • Oppositions Concerns (Congress & others):
    • Dilution of supplier accountability → increased domestic risk in case of accidents.
    • Favors international corporations over citizens.
    • Seen as appeasing U.S. & France (major reactor suppliers).
    • Citing Bhopal legacy, questions government’s ability to enforce accountability.

Key Issues for Debate

  • Accountability vs. Investment:
    • Strong supplier liability = safety but deters investment.
    • Operator-only liability = global norm, but raises questions of justice for victims.
  • Energy Security & Climate Goals:
    • Nuclear is crucial for India’s net-zero by 2070 roadmap.
    • Can provide stable, non-fossil baseload energy.
    • Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) emerging as game-changers – cheaper, safer, scalable.
  • Waste Disposal & Safety:
    • Long-term nuclear waste management remains unresolved globally.
    • India must ensure transparent policy before major expansion.
  • Judicial & Compensation Mechanisms:
    • Adequacy of compensation frameworks in case of accidents.
    • Avoiding repeats of Bhopal Gas Tragedy inadequacies.

International Angle

  • U.S. & France:
    • Major nuclear technology suppliers, have pressed India for liability relaxation.
    • Without change, India’s nuclear deals (e.g., Jaitapur project with Frances EDF) remain stalled.
  • Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC):
    • India acceded in 2016.
    • Requires liability on operators, not suppliers – current CLNDA seen as inconsistent.

Strategic Significance

  • Nuclear energy expansion ties into:
    • Energy independence (reduce import dependence on coal & oil).
    • Geopolitics (India-U.S. nuclear partnership is cornerstone of strategic ties).
    • Climate commitments (non-fossil energy mix to rise to 50% by 2030).

Way Forward

  • Need for balanced framework:
    • Protect citizens’ rights in case of nuclear accidents.
    • Ensure suppliers have some responsibility (e.g., defective equipment).
    • Align with international norms to attract investment.
  • Role of Opposition:
    • Must engage in constructive debate, not blanket opposition.
    • Should push for safeguards (insurance pools, higher operator liability, safety regulators).
  • Parliamentary Debate:
    • Should cover nuclear waste disposal, safety protocols, transparency in agreements, and citizens’ compensation.

Conclusion

  • The issue is not just legal or political—it is about India’s energy future, climate obligations, and strategic autonomy.
  • Opposition faces a choice: either repeat past obstruction or help shape a responsible, investor-friendly yet citizen-safe nuclear policy.


Global Legal Framework for Outer Space

  • Outer Space Treaty (OST), 1967:
    • Forms the cornerstone of international space law.
    • Ratified by 114+ countries, including India.
    • Key stipulations:
      • Outer space is the province of all mankind → no national appropriation (no sovereignty, no ownership claims).
      • Peaceful uses only → bans placement of nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction in orbit.
      • States bear international responsibility for all space activities, whether by government or private entities.
      • States are liable for damage caused by space objects (to other states or international property).
      • Encourages international cooperation and sharing of benefits from space exploration.
  • Other companion treaties:
    • Rescue Agreement (1968).
    • Liability Convention (1972).
    • Registration Convention (1976).
    • Moon Agreement (1979 – not widely adopted).

Relevance : GS 2(Governance , International Relations)

Are These Treaties Self-Executing?

  • Not self-executing:
    • International treaties only provide principles.
    • They need domestic legislation to become enforceable within countries.
    • Example: OST says states are responsible for private space activities → but how private firms are licensed, regulated, and insured must be defined by national law.
  • UNOOSAs stance:
    • National legislations “give effect” to OST principles, ensuring space activities remain safe, sustainable, and responsible.

Importance of National Space Legislation

  • Legal certainty: Provides clear rules for licensing, approvals, liability, insurance, and dispute resolution.
  • Encourages investment: Foreign investors and domestic startups require predictable regulatory environments.
  • Dual-use dilemma: Space technologies often have military as well as civilian uses → needs robust oversight.
  • FDI attraction: Clear rules on foreign investment in space manufacturing (e.g., 100% FDI in satellite components) crucial for growth.
  • Liability & insurance: Internationally, states are liable → but domestically, operators/startups must carry insurance to cover accidents.
  • Innovation protection: Secure Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) prevents brain drain and builds investor confidence.
  • Debris management & sustainability: National laws can enforce debris mitigation, accident investigations, and data-sharing frameworks.
  • Independent regulator: Avoids conflicts of interest, builds credibility.

India’s Approach to Space Legislation

  • Status: India has signed/ratified OST and related treaties but lacks a comprehensive national space law.
  • Current framework:
    • Space activities governed mainly through policy guidelines (e.g., Space Policy 2023).
    • IN-SPACe (Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Centre) set up as nodal body to regulate private sector participation, but lacks statutory backing.
    • Licensing, approvals, and FDI rules remain fragmented across ministries.
  • Incremental strategy:
    • India has gradually opened space to private participation (satellite launches, component manufacturing).
    • Still in the process of drafting national space legislation to provide full legal clarity.
  • Priorities identified (Gp. Capt. T.H. Anand Rao, Indian Space Association):
    • Grant statutory authority to IN-SPACe.
    • Create a single-window licensing system (clear timelines, fees, reasons for approval/rejection).
    • Define liability & accident investigation mechanisms.
    • Strengthen FDI and IPR rules to support startups.
    • Establish an independent appellate body for disputes.

Why Affordable Insurance Frameworks for Space Startups Are Crucial

  • International liability: Under OST & Liability Convention, India as a state is liable for damages caused by its space objects.
  • Domestic burden-sharing: Without insurance, taxpayers may have to bear damages from private sector accidents.
  • High-value assets: Satellites and payloads worth hundreds of millions → startups cannot sustain losses without affordable insurance.
  • Third-party coverage: Mandatory insurance ensures compensation for damage caused to foreign entities or global commons.
  • Encourages private sector participation: Affordable insurance lowers entry barriers for startups and SMEs in the space ecosystem.
  • Prevents flight of talent/companies: If India lacks protection frameworks, startups may migrate to jurisdictions with better IPR and insurance regimes.

Way Forward for India

  • Enact a comprehensive National Space Law aligned with OST principles.
  • Grant statutory authority to IN-SPACe as a regulator.
  • Develop affordable insurance pools (possibly public-private) to support startups.
  • Ensure IPR protection and transparent FDI rules.
  • Enforce space debris mitigation & sustainability laws.
  • Create an independent appellate body for space-related disputes.

Broader Significance

  • India is transitioning from a state-driven space programme (ISRO monopoly) to a mixed ecosystem with private players.
  • Without robust space legislation:
    • International commitments cannot be effectively enforced.
    • Investor confidence will remain low.
    • Space startups may shift abroad, slowing India’s ambitions.
  • A strong law would secure India’s position as a global space power and support its ambitions for 100+ startups, lunar missions, Gaganyaan, and a space station by 2047.


Basics – What are Electoral Rolls?

  • Definition: Electoral rolls = authoritative list of all eligible voters in India.
  • Purpose: Ensures only eligible citizens can vote; prevents disenfranchisement or duplication.
  • Dynamic nature: Continuously updated → additions (new voters), deletions (deaths, relocations), corrections (errors, address changes).
  • Scale: As of Jan 2024 → ~99 crore entries (world’s largest democratic database).

Relevance : GS 2(Elections , Reforms)

How are Electoral Rolls Currently Shared?

  • Prepared by: District-level officials under EC’s authority.
  • Data backbone: ERONET (Electoral Roll Management System).
  • Public access:
    • Provided as image-PDF files on websites or as physical printouts.
    • Voter photos included in internal versions, but not in PDFs available online.
  • Limitations: Image-PDFs are not machine-readable → cannot be searched or indexed directly by computers.

Why Political Parties/Activists Want Machine-Readable Rolls

  • Machine-readable = text-PDF / searchable format.
  • Advantages:
    • Enables computer-based indexing/search.
    • Makes spotting duplicate entries, ghost voters, irregularities much easier.
    • Reduces human resource dependency and speeds up audit.
  • Evidence:
    • In Mahadevapura, Bengaluru → Congress manually found ~11,965 duplicate entries.
    • Activists (e.g., P.G. Bhat) used machine-readable rolls pre-2018 to highlight irregularities.

Why the EC Stopped Providing Machine-Readable Rolls (2018–2019)

  • Policy shift: One year before 2019 elections, EC ordered States to stop uploading machine-readable rolls.
  • Official rationale (O.P. Rawat, then CEC):
    • Prevent foreign entities from accessing detailed voter data (full names + addresses).
    • Data security concerns in a digital age (risk of profiling, surveillance, manipulation).
  • Supreme Court stance (Kamal Nath vs EC, 2018):
    • Refused to compel EC to provide text-searchable electoral rolls.
    • Court held: Petitioners can convert PDFs themselves into searchable format if they wish.
    • Despite EC’s own manual recommending “draft roll shall be put on websites in text mode”.

Technical & Practical Barriers to Analysis

  • OCR (Optical Character Recognition):
    • Can convert image-PDFs into searchable text.
    • Decades-old tech, but not perfect → prone to errors, esp. with Indian languages/scripts.
  • Challenges:
    • Voter rolls for each Assembly Constituency split into hundreds of PDFs.
    • Estimated 6+ crore pages nationwide.
    • Resource intensive → Cost of OCR for all rolls ≈ $40,000 per revision cycle (Google AI pricing estimate).
    • Logistical hurdles for parties with limited tech capacity.

The Transparency vs. Privacy Dilemma

  • Transparency benefits:
    • Easier detection of fraud (duplicate, bogus entries).
    • Builds trust in electoral process.
    • Empowers citizens, researchers, and watchdogs.
  • Risks if made fully public:
    • Exposure of sensitive personal data (name, gender, address, age).
    • Possibility of misuse by foreign actors, data brokers, or political micro-targeting.
    • Potential voter harassment or profiling.
  • Expert opinion:
    • Srinivas Kodali (activist): Since political parties already have OCR capability, better to make rolls public in machine-readable format to level the playing field and ensure transparency.

The Core Reasons EC Avoids Machine-Readable Rolls

  • Data protection: Preventing misuse of sensitive personal info.
  • Cybersecurity risks: Fear of foreign/state-sponsored actors exploiting voter databases.
  • Legal backing: Supreme Court allowed EC discretion in the matter.
  • Operational caution: Large-scale digitisation could trigger political/activist pushback if privacy breaches occur.

Implications of Current Practice

  • For political parties:
    • Must invest in manual scrutiny or costly OCR processes.
    • Larger/national parties can afford it → smaller ones disadvantaged.
  • For voters:
    • Errors/duplicates harder to spot and correct.
    • Risk of disenfranchisement if issues go unnoticed.
  • For democracy:
    • Reduced transparency → possible erosion of trust in electoral rolls.
    • Opens space for allegations of “vote theft” and irregularities.

Way Forward

  • Balanced solution:
    • Provide machine-readable rolls with data redaction (partial masking of sensitive info like house number).
    • Tiered access: full rolls to recognized political parties under data-protection obligations, limited access to public.
    • Strengthen data protection laws for electoral databases.
  • Technology use:
    • Deploy secure EC-backed OCR and deduplication systems internally.
    • Allow public verification via safe, anonymised platforms.
  • Legal clarity: Amend rules to explicitly define what format voter rolls must be published in, balancing privacy with transparency.

Bottom Line

  • EC’s refusal stems from privacy and national security concerns, backed by SC’s cautious stance.
  • But lack of machine-readable rolls hampers transparency and makes fraud detection harder.
  • The challenge is to balance transparency and data privacy, possibly via controlled digital access rather than blanket public release.


Basics – What is Agni-5?

  • Type: Long-range nuclear-capable ballistic missile.
  • Classification: Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM).
  • Range: ~5,000–5,500 km (can reach almost entire Asia, parts of Europe, Africa).
  • Developer: DRDO (Defence Research & Development Organisation).
  • User: Strategic Forces Command (SFC), which handles India’s nuclear arsenal.
  • Role: Key pillar of India’s nuclear deterrence strategy under the doctrine of credible minimum deterrence.

Relevance : GS 3(Internal Security , Defence)

Key Features of Agni-5

  • Propulsion: 3-stage, solid-fuel missile → higher mobility, faster launch readiness.
  • Accuracy: Equipped with advanced navigation & guidance systems, including ring-laser gyroscope & micro-navigation system.
  • Mobility: Road- and rail-mobile launch capability → increases survivability.
  • Warhead capacity: Can carry nuclear warheads (~1.5 tonnes).
  • MIRV Technology:
    • Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicle (MIRV) allows a single missile to carry multiple warheads.
    • Each warhead can hit different targets, overwhelming enemy defenses.
    • First validated in March 2024 trial.

The August 20, 2025 Test (Chandipur, Odisha)

  • Nature of test: User trial by Strategic Forces Command (SFC), not just developmental.
  • Purpose:
    • Validate operational readiness of Agni-5 system.
    • Confirm reliability of all technical parameters in real-world conditions.
    • Strengthen India’s long-term strategic deterrence posture.
  • Outcome: Declared “successful” → all mission objectives met.

Historical Development

  • Agni series: India’s indigenous missile programme → ranges from short-range (Agni-1) to ICBM (Agni-5).
  • Timeline:
    • 2012: First test of Agni-5.
    • Multiple developmental & user trials since.
    • 2024: First test of Agni-5 MIRV variant.
    • 2025 (current): Operational validation test by SFC.

Strategic Importance

  • Deterrence against China:
    • 5,000 km range covers Beijing, Shanghai, and other Chinese strategic assets.
    • Strengthens India’s second-strike capability under No First Use (NFU) doctrine.
  • Credible minimum deterrence: Enhances survivability of India’s nuclear arsenal.
  • MIRV capability: Counters anti-ballistic missile (ABM) shields by ensuring multiple warheads hit targets simultaneously.
  • Geopolitical message: Demonstrates India’s growing technological maturity in strategic weapons → boosts global stature.

Operational Context

  • Strategic Forces Command (SFC): Conducted the test → indicates induction into active arsenal.
  • Comparison with others:
    • China: DF-41 ICBM (range 12,000–15,000 km, MIRV capable).
    • Pakistan: No ICBM capability; longest-range = Shaheen-III (~2,750 km).
    • India: With Agni-5 MIRV, joins small club (US, Russia, China, France) with MIRV-capable ICBMs.

Implications for India’s Security & Foreign Policy

  • Strategic Stability: Enhances deterrence, reduces adversaries’ temptation for pre-emptive strike.
  • China focus: Directly balances China’s long-range missile arsenal.
  • Pakistan: Already within Agni-2/Agni-3 range; Agni-5 aimed primarily at China.
  • Global diplomacy:
    • Positions India as a responsible nuclear power with credible deterrence.
    • Enhances leverage in global arms control discussions (e.g., MTCR, NSG).

Challenges Ahead

  • MIRV integration: Needs extensive testing under different conditions.
  • Counter-systems: China deploying advanced ABM systems → India needs penetration aids, decoys, maneuverable warheads.
  • Arms race concern: Agni-5 MIRV could trigger regional acceleration of nuclear and missile development.
  • Command & control: Must ensure highest standards of safety, security, and political oversight.

Bottom Line

  • Agni-5’s August 2025 test marks operational consolidation of India’s ICBM programme.
  • Demonstrates MIRV maturity and strategic readiness.
  • Reinforces India’s China-centric deterrence posture and secures India’s place among the world’s advanced nuclear powers.

August 2025
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