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India-China: the need for a border settlement

Why in News

  • On 19 August 2025, India and China held the 24th round of Special Representatives (SR) talks on the boundary issue.
  • Talks resumed after a five-year gap (2019–2024) due to the 2020 border crisis.
  • Both sides reiterated commitment to the 2005 “Political Parameters and Guiding Principles” agreement as the framework for settlement.
  • Agreed to focus on:
    • Early harvest settlement of the Sikkim–Tibet boundary.
    • New border management mechanisms to prevent 2020-like incidents.

Relevance : GS II (International Relations – Boundary Dispute, Security, Diplomacy, Strategic Affairs).

 

From Basics

  • Historical Context:
    • Boundary dispute dates back to colonial demarcations → McMahon Line (Arunachal Pradesh) and Aksai Chin (Ladakh).
    • 1962 war → unresolved borders, mistrust.
    • 1979 Vajpayee’s visit to China → beginning of normalization.
  • Vajpayee’s Role:
    • 1998 nuclear tests soured ties, but reconciliation followed.
    • 2003: Vajpayee’s visit → Special Representatives (SR) mechanism set up (NSA-level talks).
    • Aim: political, not purely technical, resolution.
  • 2005 Political Parameters Agreement:
    • Settlement to consider strategic interests and settled populations.
    • Suggested swap deal:
      • China keeps Aksai Chin (strategically vital for it).
      • India retains Arunachal Pradesh (populated, culturally tied to India).
    • Articles:
      • Art. IV – “mutual and equal security”.
      • Art. VII – “interests of settled populations” to be protected.
  • Subsequent Developments:
    • 2007: China reasserted claim on Tawang (Arunachal Pradesh) despite Article VII.
    • 2013: Both sides reached 18-point consensus (per Menon & Chinese Ambassador Wei Wei).
    • Doklam crisis (2017) → revealed partial agreements (Sikkim-Tibet watershed alignment).
    • 2020 Galwan crisis → major breakdown of trust, collapse of existing CBMs.

Comprehensive Overview

Strategic Significance of Settlement

  • For India:
    • Secure borders → reduce military costs of LAC deployment.
    • Focus on core strategic challenges (Indian Ocean, Pakistan).
    • Normalize relations with China → boost trade & diplomacy.
  • For China:
    • Stable border allows focus on Taiwan, South China Sea.
    • Secures Aksai Chin (vital for Xinjiang–Tibet connectivity).
    • Prevents India–U.S. alignment from hardening further.

Key Roadblocks

  • Tawang Issue: China insists India concede Tawang, despite India’s settled populations argument.
  • Mistrust: 2020 Galwan clash → CBMs (1993, 1996, 2005, 2013) undermined.
  • Domestic Politics: Both leaderships risk being seen as compromising on sovereignty.
  • Geopolitical Factors: U.S.–China rivalry makes Beijing cautious about India’s growing alignment with Quad.

Present Status (2025)

  • 24th SR talks revived the 2005 framework.
  • Agreement to:
    • Prioritize Sikkim–Tibet boundary finalization (low-hanging fruit).
    • Devise new border management mechanisms beyond failed 1996/2005 CBMs.
  • Military deployments remain high → both sides paying heavy economic and strategic costs.

The Way Forward

  • Political Will Required: A deal exists in principle since 2005–2013; execution stalled by lack of leadership consensus.
  • Incremental Approach: Start with Sikkim-Tibet “early harvest”, expand to Ladakh–Arunachal.
  • Revived CBMs: Joint patrolling, hotlines, no-weapons protocols must be reworked.
  • Strategic Compromise: Both sides must accept “as is, where is” logic — Aksai Chin with China, Arunachal with India.

Key Takeaways

  • The 2005 Political Parameters Agreement remains the only negotiated document on India–China boundary.
  • Settlement is technically feasible but blocked by political reluctance and trust deficit.
  • Without resolution, both countries bear escalating military and economic costs at the LAC.
  • A breakthrough requires top-level political push, as Vajpayee once attempted in 2003.

September 2025
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