Manipur data mask scale of crimes against women in 2023

Why is it in News ?

• The 2023 NCRB report on Manipur presents a striking anomaly:
  • While most categories of crime skyrocketed during the ethnic conflict,
  • Crimes against women reportedly declined by 30% — contradicting eyewitness reports, FIRs, and the Supreme Court’s own observations of widespread sexual violence.
• The data exposes a major crisis of underreporting and institutional breakdown in conflict zones.

Relevance:

• GS-1 (Social Issues): Gender-based violence, women’s safety, conflict impact on vulnerable populations.
• GS-2 (Polity & Governance): Institutional failures, NCRB data integrity, Supreme Court interventions, law enforcement accountability.

The 2023 Manipur Ethnic Conflict

• Conflict began: May 3, 2023
• Parties involved:
  • Meitei community (valley-based, largely Hindu)
  • Kuki-Zo tribes (hill-based, largely Christian)
• Trigger: Meitei demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.
• Impact:
  • Over 200 deaths and 70,000 displaced (as per government & media estimates).
  • Massive destruction of property, arson, and targeted violence.
  • Reports of systemic gender-based violence amid the conflict.

Supreme Court’s Observation (July 2023)

• The apex court termed the sexual violence in Manipur as of “systemic” and “unprecedented magnitude.”
• Ordered:
  • Special investigation teams (SITs) under the supervision of former High Court judges.
  • Transfer of some cases to the CBI, including those involving sexual violence against women.
  • Emphasis on victim protection and fair trial mechanisms.

Key NCRB Data (Manipur, 2022 vs 2023)

Category of Crime	2022	2023	% Change / Observation
Arson	27	6,203	22,800%
Rioting	84	5,421	6,350%
Dacoity	1	1,213	Massive rise
Murder	47	151	221%
Attempt to Murder	153	818	434%
Robbery	7	330	4,614%
Burglary	39	183	369%
Theft	1,286	2,394	86%
Crimes under Arms Act	64	116	81%
Promoting enmity between groups	15	473	3,053%
Crimes Against Women (overall)	–	–	↓ 30% decline

Contradiction:

Despite extensive media coverage and legal action highlighting sexual violence, NCRB recorded:

• Rape cases: 42 → 27
• Assault on women’s modesty: 67 → 66
• Sexual harassment: 5 → 1
• POCSO (minor rape): 44 → 43

Ground Reports of Gendered Violence

• Multiple verified cases indicate widespread sexual crimes despite official denials:
  • May 4, 2023: Women working at a car wash in Imphal East tortured by a mob (FIR accessed by The Hindu).
  • Kuki-Zo legislators’ statement (July 2023): At least four incidents of rape/murder of Kuki women.
  • Complaints to NCW and civil groups:
    • Harassment of Kuki-Zomi women on Manipur University campus.
    • Assaults at Nightingale Nursing Institute.
    • Alleged rape and murder of four women in Imphal.

Reasons for Underreporting

1. Institutional Collapse:
   1. Police and administrative systems fragmented along ethnic lines, eroding neutrality.
   2. Displacement of communities meant many survivors had no access to police stations.
2. Social Stigma and Fear:
   1. Strong cultural taboo against reporting sexual violence, worsened by community conflict.
   2. Fear of retaliation and lack of witness protection.
3. Data Suppression:
   1. Local police reluctant to register cases that implicate dominant groups or security forces.
4. Technical Classification:
   1. Many incidents recorded under “rioting” or “violence”, not as sexual crimes.
5. Displacement Barrier:
   1. Many victims in relief camps or migrated out of the state — FIRs never registered or pursued.

Implications

• Humanitarian: Survivors denied justice and trauma care.
• Institutional: NCRB’s credibility questioned — data may not reflect real ground situation in conflict zones.
• Constitutional: Violation of Article 21 (Right to Life with Dignity) and Article 14 (Equality before Law).
• Judicial: Reinforces the Supreme Court’s finding of a “systemic failure of law enforcement.”

Broader Pattern

• Underreporting of sexual violence is a national issue, but the Manipur case amplifies it due to:
  • Militarization and ethnic polarisation.
  • Collapsed trust in state machinery.
  • Lack of gender-sensitive policing in emergencies.
• Similar patterns seen in conflict zones like Kashmir (1990s) and Northeast insurgencies.

Way Forward

1. Independent Investigations:
   1. Expand Supreme Court-monitored SITs and CBI probes.
   2. Involve NHRC and NCW for transparent documentation.
2. Conflict-Sensitive Policing:
   1. Deploy gender-balanced police teams trained for humanitarian and relief contexts.
3. Data Reform:
   1. NCRB must annotate conflict-related cases separately to avoid statistical distortion.
4. Survivor-Centric Approach:
   1. Ensure psychological counselling, compensation, and rehabilitation for victims.
   2. Witness and survivor protection under the Victim Compensation Scheme (2015).
5. Accountability:
   1. Fix command responsibility for non-registration of FIRs.
   2. Periodic judicial audits of police response in conflict zones.

Conclusion

The 2023 Manipur data exposes a deep institutional and moral failure — where recorded statistics obscure lived realities.
While the State burned and women were brutalized, official data painted a false picture of safety.
This disjuncture between record and reality underscores the urgent need for transparent data governance, accountable policing, and gender-sensitive conflict resolution mechanisms to restore trust and justice in Manipur.

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