Contents
India's Economic Prospects After the West Asian Crisis
The Hindu- A 14-point preliminary US–Iran Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aims to end the West Asian crisis and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, expected to stabilise global crude supply and normalise prices at a lower level.
- The editorial assesses how this shift should reshape India's 2026-27 economic outlook and medium-term strategy, spanning growth, inflation, fiscal arithmetic and petroleum-sector reform.
- Crude prices had spiked during the crisis — the Indian crude basket touched $114.5/bbl in April 2026, easing to $106.2/bbl in May and $86.3/bbl by 24 June 2026 — with further softening expected if the truce holds.
- Core argument: a stance of contingent optimism — the entire outlook rests on the assumption that West Asian peace holds; a resumption of conflict would materially worsen India's growth, inflation and external balance.
- GDP growth trajectory (new series): 7.2% (2023-24), 7.1% (2024-25), 7.7% (2025-26, NSO provisional) — confirming a strong post-COVID-19 recovery.
- Real GVA growth at 7.9% in 2025-26, with manufacturing, trade-transport, and financial/real-estate sectors each exceeding 10% growth.
- Nominal GDP growth was 8.9% in 2025-26, implying a low Implicit Price Deflator (IPD)-based inflation of 1.1%.
- The RBI's real GDP projection for 2026-27 is 6.6%, lower than 2025-26, reflecting crude-supply disruption in Q1 and an El Niño-linked rainfall deficiency — the India Meteorological Department (IMD) estimated a 10% shortfall versus the Long Period Average, though the actual shortfall touched nearly 43% up to 24 June 2026.
- Petroleum economy structural trends: crude import dependence has risen from 54.9% (1998-99) to over 90% (2025-26); domestic crude output has fallen to 26 MMT (2025-26) from a peak of 35.9 MMT (2011-12); PoL consumption has risen from 90.6 MMT to 243.2 MMT over the same period; the energy/PoL intensity of GDP has been falling — a positive efficiency trend.
- The RBI transferred a dividend of ₹2.69 lakh crore to the Government for 2024-25, against a 2026-27 budgeted target of ₹3.16 lakh crore for dividends and profits from RBI and financial institutions.
- The current account deficit (CAD) was 0.6% of GDP in 2025-26 (Q4 showed a 0.7% surplus); the RBI's June 2026 Survey of Professional Forecasters projected a 2.1% of GDP CAD for 2026-27 (median estimate).
- Growth-inflation trade-off: the author estimates 2026-27 nominal GDP growth at ~12.4% (higher than the Budget's 10.1%), using the RBI Professional Forecasters' WPI (8%) and CPI (4.9%) projections, adjusted downward to 6% and 4.5% on the assumption of crisis resolution, yielding an IPD-based inflation of about 5.4% — the author's own computed estimate, not an official figure.
- Fiscal implications: higher nominal growth should aid tax buoyancy, likely helping the Government absorb any revenue loss from excise duty cuts on fuel; however, subsidies (fertilizer, food) may overshoot Budget estimates given the El Niño-driven agricultural risk.
- Fiscal deficit resilience: the author expects the budgeted 4.3% of GDP fiscal deficit target to be met or only marginally breached, aided by the RBI's large dividend transfer.
- Agricultural risk channel: El Niño combined with potential fertilizer shortages threatens kharif output first, with possible spillover to rabi — creating pressure to reconsider crop-specific import/export policy and build fertilizer buffer stock.
- Energy security dimension: rising import dependence on crude is a structural vulnerability exposed by the Hormuz disruption, strengthening the case for diversifying crude sources, reducing reliance on the Strait route, and accelerating the shift to renewables and nuclear power.
- External sector normalisation: with the Strait reopening, the author expects the CAD to undershoot the RBI's median forecast (about 1.5% of GDP versus 2.1%), aided by cheaper crude imports.
- In favour — Direct relief on inflation and subsidies: falling crude prices ease the import bill, inflation and subsidy burden, freeing fiscal space for productive expenditure.
- In favour — Genuine fiscal cushion: the RBI's record dividend provides a real, non-inflationary buffer, reducing pressure to cut capital expenditure even if tax revenues underperform.
- In favour — Improving energy efficiency: India's falling energy intensity of GDP shows a structurally more efficient economy, cushioning the impact of future price shocks better than in the past.
- In favour — Prudent hedging: building strategic reserves of crude and fertilizer is a low-regret policy regardless of whether peace holds, hedging against both price and supply risk.
- Against — Fragile core assumption: the entire analysis is conditional on the peace holding, a historically fragile assumption in West Asia; the author flags this risk without offering a contingency roadmap for a conflict-resumption scenario.
- Against — Structural import dependence: import dependence exceeding 90% reflects a long-standing failure to expand domestic exploration and production; the refining-capacity argument does not address this upstream vulnerability.
- Against — Understated agricultural risk: the actual rainfall shortfall of nearly 43% (against a 10% IMD projection) signals a much sharper risk than the editorial's headline figures suggest, understating the downside to rural incomes and food inflation.
- Against — Author's own estimation, not an official forecast: the nominal growth and fiscal deficit projections rely on the author's own inflation-blending method (60:40 WPI-CPI weights) rather than a Finance Ministry or RBI figure, and should be read as an informed estimate rather than an institutional forecast.
- Build strategic reserves of fertilizer and critical primary commodities, including crude, backed by a formal policy specifying required volumes and storage infrastructure.
- Diversify crude sourcing and reduce dependence on the Strait of Hormuz route through alternative supply corridors and long-term contracts with non-West Asian suppliers.
- Accelerate the energy transition — domestic exploration, renewables and nuclear power — to reverse the rising crude-import-dependence trend structurally rather than cyclically.
- Recalibrate crop-specific trade policy (import/export curbs) in anticipation of kharif/rabi stress from El Niño, rather than reacting after shortages emerge.
- Maintain fiscal discipline by using the RBI dividend windfall for one-off buffer-building rather than recurring expenditure commitments, preserving the fiscal deficit glide path.
- Current account deficit: 0.6% of GDP in 2025-26 (Q4 surplus of 0.7%); RBI's June 2026 Survey of Professional Forecasters projected 2.1% of GDP for 2026-27 (median), which the author expects to undershoot to about 1.5% post-normalisation.
- Petroleum economy: domestic crude output fell to 26 MMT (2025-26) from a peak of 35.9 MMT (2011-12); PoL consumption rose to 243.2 MMT (2025-26) from 90.6 MMT (1998-99); IMD's rainfall shortfall estimate of 10% (LPA basis) versus an actual shortfall of nearly 43% as of 24 June 2026.
- Intro: Frame the US–Iran MoU and Strait of Hormuz reopening as the pivot point for India's 2026-27 outlook, given India's heavy and rising crude import dependence.
- Body 1 — Transmission channels: crude prices → inflation (IPD, CPI, WPI) → fiscal arithmetic (subsidies, tax buoyancy, fiscal deficit) → current account deficit and external stability.
- Body 2 — Domestic risk overlay: El Niño-linked rainfall deficiency and its impact on kharif/rabi output, fertilizer availability, and rural demand, compounding the external shock.
- Conclusion: Structural fixes — diversified crude sourcing, strategic reserves, and accelerated energy transition — are needed regardless of whether the West Asian peace holds, to reduce recurring vulnerability.
With reference to India's petroleum economy, consider the following statements:
1. India's crude oil import dependence has risen from around 55% in 1998-99 to over 90% in 2025-26.
2. Domestic crude oil production in 2025-26 was higher than its 2011-12 peak.
3. The energy intensity of India's GDP has declined over time.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Statement 1 — Correct. Crude import dependence has risen from 54.9% (1998-99) to over 90% (2025-26).
Statement 2 — Incorrect. Domestic crude output in 2025-26 was 26 MMT, well below the 2011-12 peak of 35.9 MMT; production has fallen, not risen.
Statement 3 — Correct. The energy intensity of India's GDP, including the intensity of PoL use, has fallen over time, supporting more energy-efficient growth.
Beyond Three Cs — The New Lexicon of India-Australia Ties
Gopal Baglay — Former High Commissioner of India to Australia · The Hindu- The editorial frames India-Australia ties as evolving beyond the informal "three Cs" (Commonwealth, Cricket, Curry) and "three Ds" (Democracy, Diaspora, Dosti) into substantive Development and Defence cooperation, plus emerging Energy and Education dimensions.
- Anchored in Prime Minister Modi's characterisation of the relationship entering "T-20 mode" — fast-paced, high-intensity engagement — building on the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP), elevated in 2020.
- The piece is timed to Mr. Modi's third visit to Australia, alongside a reciprocal visit by Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, underscoring sustained high-level political capital invested in the relationship.
- Core argument: the relationship has diversified and deepened structurally — from cultural affinity to trade, defence-industrial cooperation, critical minerals, and multilateral coalition-building — reflecting a genuine strategic partnership rather than values-based friendship alone.
- The Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) gives all Indian exports duty-free access to Australia, benefiting textiles, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, engineering goods, and gems & jewellery; India in turn gets preferential access to 90% of Australia's trade value (critical minerals, wool, avocados, macadamia).
- Bilateral trade stood at $33 billion in 2025, with a shared ambition to raise it to $100 billion by 2030; cumulative two-way investment is approaching $50 billion.
- Major recent investments: Australia's AirTrunk announced plans to invest $30 billion by 2030 in digital infrastructure and AI-ready data centres in India; India-origin Perdaman Chemicals & Fertilizers is building a $4.5 billion urea plant in Western Australia — the largest-ever investment in Australia's fertilizer sector, with over 98% of the plant's modules manufactured in India.
- Defence Minister Rajnath Singh's visit to Australia last year was the first by an Indian Defence Minister in 12 years, followed by regular Services-level exchanges and participation in AUSINDEX, Malabar and Talisman Sabre exercises.
- Australia's Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Richard Marles made India one of his first foreign visits under the Albanese government, later returning for the Annual Defence Ministers' Dialogue.
- Energy cooperation: the India-Australia Renewable Energy Partnership operates through a Solar Taskforce and a Green Hydrogen Task Force, guided at ministerial level; media reports suggest arrangements for future Australian uranium exports to India may be finalised, which would boost India's civil nuclear programme.
- Education and diaspora: over 1 lakh Indian students are enrolled in Australia; Australian universities now run campuses in India; India's diaspora in Australia has crossed 10 lakh, described as a "living bridge."
- Trilateral and multilateral architecture: India-Indonesia-Australia and India-France-Australia trilaterals; the Australia-Canada-India Technology and Innovation (ACITI) Partnership, launched on 22 November 2025 on the margins of the G20 Summit in Johannesburg, focused on critical minerals, AI and clean energy; the India-Japan-Australia Supply Chain Resilience Initiative; shared platforms include the Quad and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).
- Trade diversification beyond traditional strengths: ECTA has moved bilateral trade beyond resources and education into manufacturing and value-added goods, though a full Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) covering services and broader market access remains pending.
- Reverse investment flows: the Perdaman urea plant example illustrates India's shift from being purely a capital recipient to becoming a source of large-scale outbound investment and manufacturing linkages in Australia.
- Defence-industrial convergence: cooperation is expanding from military exercises toward defence-industrial collaboration in cyber, AI and drones, aligning with India's growing shipbuilding capacity — a shift from interoperability toward co-production potential.
- Energy security symbiosis: renewable cooperation (solar, green hydrogen) complements a possible uranium supply arrangement, giving Australia a stable long-term market and India diversified fuel sources for its nuclear expansion.
- Minilateral coalition-building: ACITI and similar trilaterals reflect a broader trend of issue-based groupings addressing supply-chain resilience and critical minerals, reducing overreliance on any single partner without forming a formal alliance.
- People-to-people depth: the diaspora (over 10 lakh) and education linkages (over 1 lakh students) function as a durable "living bridge," reinforcing government-to-government cooperation with sustained societal ties.
- In favour — From symbolism to substance: the relationship has moved from cultural framing to measurable economic and strategic outcomes — concrete trade/investment targets, named defence exercises, and a functioning trilateral (ACITI) with clear workstreams.
- In favour — Complementary strengths: Australia's minerals and energy endowment paired with India's manufacturing scale and digital economy creates genuine mutual dependency rather than one-sided engagement.
- In favour — Coalitional depth without rigidity: diversification into minilaterals (ACITI, India-Japan-Australia, India-Indonesia-Australia) lets India build supply-chain security cooperation without the constraints of a formal treaty alliance, consistent with its strategic-autonomy posture.
- In favour — Maturing defence relationship: the expansion from exercises into industrial cooperation (cyber, AI, drones, shipbuilding) signals a higher-trust relationship less contingent on any single government's tenure.
- Against — Ambitious trade target: the jump from $33 billion to a $100 billion target by 2030 is a bold political goal; the editorial does not examine structural barriers — services trade, agricultural market access, and ECTA's incomplete scope pending a full CECA — that could constrain this trajectory.
- Against — Uranium supply still unconfirmed: the framing that arrangements "might be finalised shortly" remains speculative, not a concluded agreement, and should not be treated as settled fact.
- Against — Geopolitical driver left implicit: much of the critical-minerals and supply-chain-diversification logic behind initiatives like ACITI responds to overconcentration risk in existing global supply chains, but the editorial does not name this driver directly.
- Against — Workforce and visa dependence: reliance on skilled-worker mobility (education pathways, vocational training, temporary work assignments) makes parts of the partnership sensitive to Australia's domestic immigration politics, a variable the piece does not address.
- Conclude a full Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) building on ECTA, particularly to unlock services trade and deepen market access needed to reach the $100 billion trade target.
- Formalise the uranium supply arrangement, given its dual benefit for India's civil nuclear expansion and Australia's export diversification.
- Deepen defence-industrial co-production (cyber, AI, drones, shipbuilding) rather than confining cooperation to exercises and dialogues alone.
- Operationalise trilateral and minilateral initiatives (ACITI, India-Japan-Australia Supply Chain Resilience Initiative) with concrete, time-bound deliverables to avoid the general risk of minilaterals under-delivering on ambitious announcements.
- Expand skills and mobility pathways (vocational training, temporary work visas) to address Australia's workforce shortfall while creating structured overseas opportunities for Indian youth.
- ACITI Partnership: the Australia-Canada-India Technology and Innovation Partnership was launched on 22 November 2025 at the G20 Summit in Johannesburg, focused on critical minerals, AI adoption, clean energy and resilient supply chains.
- Defence visits: Rajnath Singh's Australia visit was the first by an Indian Defence Minister in 12 years; Richard Marles made India one of his first foreign visits as Australia's Deputy PM and Defence Minister, and later returned for the Annual Defence Ministers' Dialogue.
- Intro: Introduce the shift from the "three Cs/three Ds" framing to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and its expansion into Development, Defence, Energy and Education.
- Body 1 — Economic and defence substance: ECTA-driven trade growth, reverse investment (Perdaman), defence-industrial cooperation (cyber, AI, drones, shipbuilding), and expanding joint exercises.
- Body 2 — Energy, education and multilateralism: renewable energy partnership, potential uranium exports, education/diaspora linkages, and coalition-building through ACITI, Quad and IORA.
- Conclusion: A relationship maturing from values-based affinity to institutionalised, multi-sector strategic partnership, with a full CECA and formalised energy cooperation as the next milestones.
With reference to India-Australia relations, consider the following statements:
1. The Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) provides duty-free access for all Indian exports to Australia.
2. The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between the two countries was established after 2020.
3. The Australia-Canada-India Technology and Innovation (ACITI) Partnership was launched at a G20 Summit.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Statement 1 — Correct. All Indian exports to Australia have duty-free access under ECTA.
Statement 2 — Incorrect. The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership was established in 2020 itself, not after.
Statement 3 — Correct. ACITI was launched on the margins of the G20 Summit in Johannesburg (November 2025).


