Context

Reports broke out that multiple gigabytes of data pertaining to operations at the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (KKNPP) in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu had been copied and subsequently leaked as part of a ransomware attack. The government said the breach was "unrelated to nuclear activity"; the Union Minister of State for Atomic Energy said there was nothing to do with the nuclear plant or nuclear security.

Background & Key Facts

• The breach: Reuters reported that the breach was part of an infiltration into Reliance Anil Dhirubhai Ambani Group's Reliance Infrastructure Ltd, and contained 14.3 GB of data on the power plant's operations. The Hindu opened the site and reviewed the index of files, which amount overall to 1.2TB, a slice of which pertained to the Kudankulam plant.
• Where it is hosted: The data has been hosted on World Leaks, which is a Dark Web site hosted by cybercriminals who infect vulnerable firms with ransomware, threatening to leak the data if the ransom is not paid. The site claimed that the ransom was indeed not paid, and so it leaked the data.
• Was the reactor affected?: "The files do not pertain to the core reactor's operations, which are the most sensitive in a nuclear setup," Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) said. NPCIL reiterates that the information claimed to be available in the public domain pertains only to conventional Balance of Plant (BoP) common service facilities and does not relate to any nuclear safety, or nuclear security-related systems or information.
• What is BoP?: BoP refers to supporting infrastructure, auxiliary systems, and components required to make the plant operational and excludes the core generating equipment.
• The third party: A spokesperson for the Reliance Group told The Hindu that it "was informed by Yotta Data Services Private Limited (Yotta), its third-party data centre service provider, of a cybersecurity incident involving an attempted ransomware attack that resulted in a partial breach of data hosted on one of Yotta's servers", and that "Yotta has confirmed that enhanced security monitoring and preventive controls are now in place".
• Yotta's account: "Yotta's managed endpoint security controls detected suspicious activity on a file server of our customer, Reliance Infrastructure," the company told The Hindu. "The suspicious process was terminated, and the affected server was isolated, preventing the suspected ransomware from executing. Our technical assessment confirmed no evidence of ransomware encryption and no lateral movement to any other server or system within the customer's private cloud environment." The incident was limited to this single customer-managed server, with no impact on Yotta's shared cloud platforms, AI cloud infrastructure, datacentre infrastructure or other services.
• What was in the files: The files reportedly include multiple drawings of "blueprints and supplier details, meeting and inspection records, equipment reviews", and a $112 million insurance policy against terrorist attacks.
• Why it matters: The revelations have sparked "absolute commotion" among top officials at the power plant, even as they downplay the impact of the findings. The plant has commissioned two 1,000 MWe VVER reactors, allowing for a power supply of up to two gigawatts. The reactors are built in partnership with the Russian firm Rosatom, and the government is planning four more such units, which would triple the installed power production capacity at the facility.
• Editorial view ("Wealth of lacunae"): The ransomware attack against a contractor involved in the Kudankulam nuclear power project is concerning, even if nothing threatening the plant's integrity was stolen. In 2019, malware was found on the same facility's administrative network, but the NPCIL maintained that the operational reactor network was unaffected. The new incident extends the same theme. India's breach-disclosure regime is inconsistent and often plainly opaque. Affected organisations tend to believe admitting a breach will damage public confidence, draw contracts, and invite regulatory scrutiny. So, they tend to ease their language in public statements. Many organisations also lack mature incident response capabilities, not uncommonly because they treat cybersecurity as a matter of compliance rather than necessity. CERT-In is conducting an investigation, and Reliance and Yotta have shared their findings with the government. "Radical transparency is impossible here but basic cyber-hygiene and proactive communication are non-negotiable."

Context

With activist Sonam Wangchuk's health condition worsening on the 19th day of his indefinite hunger strike at Jantar Mantar, the Delhi High Court ordered the Union and Delhi governments to ensure regular monitoring of his health. He has lost over 9 kg and, doctors warned, his body is consuming muscles and his organs may be next.

Background & Key Facts

• Medical status: Mr. Wangchuk's "blood sugar today is 80 mg/dl, and his pulse is 72 bpm," Dr. Lamba said. He said that doctors were maintaining "extra vigilance" and that at his current stage, Mr. Wangchuk's uric-acid levels were likely elevated as his muscles were likely being broken down by his body. He now weighs 56.5 kg.
• The order: A Bench of Chief Justice Devendra Kumar Upadhyaya and Justice Tejas Karia asked Solicitor-General Tushar Mehta whether any mechanism was in place to monitor Mr. Wangchuk's health. Mr. Mehta submitted that he undergoes a daily health check-up. The Bench passed the direction while hearing a public interest litigation (PIL) petition filed by advocate and activist Rakesh Kumar Saini. "He [Mr. Mehta] further assures the court that depending upon the opinion of the doctors, whatever medical intervention is needed to check the deteriorating health condition of Mr. Wangchuk will also be taken," the court re-corded in its order.
• Constitutional position: Multiple Supreme Court judgments and orders highlight the state's paternalistic duty of care to preserve the life of a person who goes on a hunger strike without disrupting his right to dissent. Yet the government has responded to activist Sonam Wangchuk's hunger strike with silence for the past 19 days even as an alarmed Delhi High Court asserted on July 16 that the "life of any citizen is precious".
• Hunger strikes are not illegal: Hunger strikes are neither unconstitutional nor barred under any law. The court had highlighted that both the Union of India and the State of Punjab must also take into consideration the age, medical condition and physical health of the person concerned. "It is a form of protest which has been accepted, both historically and legally in our constitutional jurisprudence," it said.
• Precedent: On May 4, 2011, Baba Ramdev had written a letter to the PM stating his intention to go on fast to protest against the government's inaction against bringing back the black money. This was responded to by the PM on May 19, 2011 assuring him that the government was determined to fight with the problem of corruption... and asking him to drop the idea of going on a hunger strike till death," the judgment recorded. It narrated how four senior Ministers of the UPA government had met Baba Ramdev at the airport when he arrived in Delhi in 2011 to persuade him to dissuade him from going on a hunger strike against corruption in 2011. Yet the government here has responded to Sonam Wangchuk's hunger strike with silence.
• The demand: Wangchuk has been on a hunger strike demanding Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan's resignation over issues concerning the country's education system. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP)'s protest site filled up substantially as more high-profile figures arrived at Jantar Mantar to register their support — including Samajwadi Party MP Dimple Yadav, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, and members of the film industry.

Context

Supreme Court judge Justice B.V. Nagarathna made an oral appeal to the Union government to not introduce a third language (R3) in Class 9 as part of the three-language scheme, saying it would be too stressful for children with Board exams just a year away. She said schools under the Centre's Navodaya scheme are incompatible with two-language policy in Tamil Nadu.

Background & Key Facts

• The oral appeal: "Tell the Union of India to please not do this... Why introduce third language in Class 9? That is stressful for children with Board exams just a year away," Justice Nagarathna said. She said a third language should be introduced in Class 6 and stopped in Class 9. "Tell the Union of India to please not do this. The government wants to do it. Why introduce third language in Class 9? It is stressful. Why not Class 6?" Justice Nagarathna said.
• The 1976 precedent: She said a third language should be introduced in Class 6 and stopped in Class 9. "That is." "Third language should stop in Class 9," Justice Nagarathna, heading a Division Bench, said. The pressure of the Class 10 Board exam starts as early as in Class 8, she remarked.
• 'Backdoor' ploy: The Supreme Court was hearing petitions filed on the introduction of Navodaya schools in Tamil Nadu. The State government, during the previous Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) regime, had maintained that the schools envisioned under the Jawaharlal Nehru Navodaya Vidyalaya Scheme were "fundamentally incompatible" with the two-language policy followed in Tamil Nadu.
• The State's stand: The State had submitted that the three-language formula was considered a core pedagogical and administrative framework of the Navodaya scheme. It required compulsory instruction in Hindi, English, and the mother tongue and prescribed language. The Tamil Nadu government had maintained that the imposition of the scheme was a "backdoor" ploy to make Hindi compulsory. The apex court suggested that the Union government's revised proposal — introducing a third language in Class 6 and stopping it in Class 9 — would have its own education system without denying children the option of enrolling in Navodaya schools.
• Judicial restraint: The judge, who is in line to become the first woman Chief Justice of India as per the seniority norm, remarked: "The State had submitted that the three-language formula was considered a core pedagogical and administrative framework of the Navodaya scheme." Acknowledging the intricacies of a "change of guard" in the State, the court gave time till August 11, the next date of hearing.

Context

The Congress will "strongly oppose" the Centre's move to reintroduce the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, which proposes to increase the strength of the Lok Sabha and initiate the delimitation exercise. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge urged PM Modi to convene an all-party meeting before the Monsoon Session begins on July 20.

Background & Key Facts

• Congress's strategy: The party has identified the alleged embezzlement of donations at the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, the "systematic corrosion" of educational institutions, and foreign policy failures as key issues for the Monsoon Session. The Congress parliamentary strategy group met on Thursday. In a post on X after the meeting, Mr. Kharge said the party would hold the government accountable over the alleged "chanda chori" (donation theft) at the Ram Temple, paper leaks, the "systemic corrosion" of the education system, institutional capture, the breaking of political parties, corruption, inflation, foreign policy failures, ethanol blending, deforestation, and the alleged assault on the rights of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and minorities.
• "Will maintain unity": Communications chief Jairam Ramesh alleged that the Union government was attempting to revive the pre-limitation Bill after failing to secure the required two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha in April. "The Congress party has consistently maintained that it will strongly oppose the delimitation Bill and will continue to do so. We will also make every effort to maintain the unity and solidarity of all Opposition parties," he said, adding that the party would also oppose the proposed Constitutional amendment relating to the removal of Ministers facing 30 days of custody.
• Other Bills listed: The Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, 2026, which seeks to amend the 1971 law to make the intentional insult of, or disruption during, the singing of the National Song Vande Mataram a punishable offence. Apart from these, the government has listed with all the parties that had supported the Congress on April 16 and 17 in defeating the government's Budget Session of Parliament. Also listed are the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026; the Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, 2025; the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE), and the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE) Bill; the Supreme Court (Number of Judges) Amendment Bill, 2026; and the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (Development) Amendment Bill, 2026.
• Registration of Births and Deaths: The other four new Bills listed by the government are the Registration of Births and Deaths (Amendment) Bill, which proposes differentiation of Lok Sabha seats to facilitate the implementation of women's reservation; the 131st Constitutional Amendment Bill, which proposes the delimitation of Lok Sabha seats to facilitate the implementation of women's reservation; and the Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2026.
• INDIA bloc's stand: Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut said Opposition parties will discuss it if the Centre considers the amendments suggested by them. "If there is an increase in seats by 50%, and if the government brings about the amendment to that effect, then there can be discussion about it," he said while speaking with press persons in Nagpur. NCP (SP) leader Eknath Khadse hinted that there could be a rethink in the Opposition's position on the delimitation Bill.

Context

The Supreme Court ordered the shifting of contempt petitions alleging instances of "bulldozer justice" to the State High Courts, reasoning it was too unwieldy to hear them all, and many would require an enquiry into facts. The move comes less than two years after the SC declared illegal demolitions by States as "arbitrary use of power".

Background & Key Facts

• The 2024 judgment: The Court's November 2024 judgment termed the "chilling sight of a bulldozer" demolishing a building, when authorities have failed to follow the basic principles of natural justice and have acted without adhering to the principle of due process" as a lawless state of affairs where "might was right".
• The reasoning: "...Maybe these are title disputes after all... In the High Courts, you may get a better opportunity to make your case on facts... Besides, if there is a violation of this judgment throughout the country, as you allege, can everybody come directly to the Supreme Court?" Justice S.V.N. Bhatti said. The judgment issued a series of directions mandating due process before demolition and stressing that the State cannot engage in retributive action.
• Interim protections: The court said High Courts could obtain the necessary records from district courts while deciding these pleas. Any interim protections granted by the Supreme Court in these cases would continue.
• Chief Justice's view: The CJI said petitions involves disputed facts which would require separate and in-depth enquiries, the Chief Justice said. Chief Justice Surya Kant said High Courts were better suited to hear petitions seeking contempt proceedings against officials for violating the November 2024 judgment. Each one of the contempt cases would continue.

Context

The Supreme Court directed all States and Union Territories to put in place, within three months, a uniform policy governing the premature release of elderly and terminally ill prisoners, observing that such inmates are entitled to a humane and time-bound mechanism for remission or early release on compassionate grounds.

Background & Key Facts

• The Bench: A Bench comprising Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta directed that every State policy must clearly lay down the eligibility criteria and procedural framework governing such releases.
• The directions: "All States and Union Territories, within a period of three months from the date of this judgment, formulate and notify a comprehensive policy for early or premature release of prisoners who are of advanced age and/or are terminally ill. Such policy shall be framed in consultation with the respective State Legal Services Authorities so as to ensure institutional coordination and effective identification of eligible prisoners," the Bench said.
• NALSA petition: The directions were issued while hearing a petition filed by the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA), which, based on its own studies conducted in prisons across the country, pointed to the lack of a common framework for the premature release of aged and terminally ill prisoners. The petition contended that facilitating the release of such inmates would not only address a humanitarian concern but also help reduce overcrowding in prisons.
• The standard: The court directed that every policy must incorporate a clear and uniform definition of "terminal illness". It permitted the authorities to draw upon the definition contained in the Handbook on Prisoners with Special Needs published by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), which describes terminal illness as "a condition where there is no reasonable medical possibility that the patient's condition will not degenerate and result in death".
• Compliance affidavits: To facilitate the implementation of its directions, the Bench directed the Union government, in coordination with the National Informatics Centre (NIC), to provide the States and Union Territories with technical assistance, digital infrastructure, software support and training. The petition had pointed out that India's prisons continue to face overcrowding, with the occupancy rate at 131% as of December 31, 2022, and that terminally ill and elderly inmates of certain categories are ill-equipped to provide. The matter has been listed for January 19, 2027.

Context

Ahead of the 2024 Assembly elections, the Maharashtra government launched the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, under which eligible women receive ₹1,500 per month through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT). Successive rounds of verification over the past two years have led to the removal of lakhs of beneficiaries, and the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has raised concerns about the scheme.

Background & Key Facts

• Eligibility: Women who are residents of Maharashtra, aged between 21 and 65 years, with an Aadhaar-linked bank account, and belonging to a family with an annual income of less than ₹2.5 lakh are eligible to receive benefits under the scheme. Women of any marital status are eligible. However, only one woman per family can avail of the benefit.
• The purpose: The scheme is aimed at promoting the economic independence of women. It also seeks to improve their health and nutritional status, and strengthen their role in family decision-making, according to the government. The scheme is implemented by the State's Women and Child Development Department.
• Beneficiary cut: At its peak, the scheme had 2.43 crore beneficiaries. According to the Maharashtra government, the number of beneficiaries has fallen from 2.43 crore to 1.66 crore. The government said the names were removed after multiple rounds of verification found that some beneficiaries were no longer eligible.
• CAG red flags: The CAG's report on the implementation of the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana during 2024-25 was marked by "significant deficiencies in Budget estimation, expenditure control, and financial management". While the scheme was allocated ₹29,693.09 crore for the fiscal year, the government incurred an expenditure of ₹33,237.24 crore, resulting in an excess expenditure of ₹3,541.16 crore. The CAG described the excess expenditure as "unjustified" and said the Women and Child Development Department failed to provide any specific justification for the overspending. It also observed that funds for the scheme were mobilised by reappropriating allocations from other schemes. For instance, ₹3,490.75 crore was reappropriated from the State's supplementary Budget allocated ₹26,200 crore for the scheme.
• Budgetary discipline: The CAG said that the scheme undermined the principles of budgetary discipline, financial propriety and legislative control over public finances. It said that "significant excess expenditure remained unexplained" and that large sums were drawn and parked in the Disbursing Officer's Virtual Personal Deposit Account (VPDA). "This indicates that the funds were not required for immediate utilisation and were drawn without actual expenditure needs, contrary to the principles of budgetary discipline and financial propriety," the CAG observed. "A test check of vouchers exceeding ₹1,000 crore relating to the scheme, aggregating ₹29,732.01 crore, showed that ₹18,586 crore drawn between January and March 2025 was transferred to the Drawing and Disbursing Officer's VPDA," the report said.
• e-KYC as the cause: The government also cited that the mandatory e-KYC requirement as a key reason for the drop in the number of beneficiaries, saying many women failed to complete the process. A Shiv Sena leader has now urged the State to extend the deadline for completing the e-KYC process. Meanwhile, the Opposition has accused the government of using the scheme to secure electoral gains. The Congress has demanded the immediate restoration of benefits for lakhs of women who were excluded over e-KYC-related issues, and called for an inquiry into the implementation of the scheme. The Opposition has also criticised the government for failing to fulfil its promise of increasing the monthly assistance from ₹1,500 to ₹2,100 ahead of the State Assembly elections.

Context

A NITI Aayog road map has proposed creating a ₹50,000-crore BioEconomy Growth Fund for 2026-35 to bridge the biotechnology sector's "valley of death" — the gap between proof-of-concept research and commercial-scale manufacturing. The fund would provide blended finance, equity-risk instruments, viability-gap funding and infrastructure support for biomanufacturing.

Background & Key Facts

• The report: "Roadmap for building India as a leading bioeconomy powerhouse by 2035", released on Thursday, says India should move beyond the broad framework laid out under the Biotechnology for Economy, Environment and Employment (BioE3) policy and adopt a mission-mode execution strategy backed by new financing, regulatory reforms and cross-ministerial governance.
• The target: It targets expanding India's bioeconomy from $165.7 billion in 2025 to $691 billion by 2035 and $2.6 trillion by 2047, while creating over 30 million high-value jobs. "The goal is not to just research but to build globally competitive biotechnology companies," said Debjani Ghosh, Distinguished Fellow, NITI Aayog, at the launch.
• Six national BioMissions: The roadmap also recommends launching six national BioMissions with clearly identified lead Ministries and measurable outcomes by 2035. These include GeneIndia for affordable gene and cell therapies, AgriBio 2.0 for climate-resilient crops and biological farm inputs, BioX Foundry to commercialise synthetic biology innovations, One Health Grid for integrated surveillance of infectious diseases and antimicrobial resistance, Marine Biotechnology to expand seaweed cultivation and marine bio-products, and BioPharma-Next to establish India as a global hub for biologics, biosimilars and AI-enabled drug discovery.
• The financing gap: The centrepiece of the recommendation is the proposed fund for 2026-35 to bridge the biotechnology sector's "valley of death" — the gap between proof-of-concept research and commercial-scale manufacturing. The fund would provide blended finance, equity-risk instruments, viability-gap funding and infrastructure support for biomanufacturing, advanced therapeutics, synthetic biology, fermentation technologies and diagnostics.

Context

The Centre released the third draft of the fuel-efficiency norms for passenger vehicles set to kick off from April 2027, proposing to recognise ethanol, compressed biogas (CBG) and other biofuels in compliance calculations by allowing manufacturers to claim specified reductions in declared tailpipe carbon-dioxide emissions.

Background & Key Facts

• The draft: The latest draft has been released for stakeholder consultation until August 6 after a year-long battle between small and big car makers on compliance methodologies. The latest draft broadly mirrors the second circulated earlier this year by retaining a flatter weight-adjustment curve, thereby reducing the compliance advantage available to heavier SUVs.
• What changed: The latest draft broadly mirrors the second circulated earlier this year by retaining a flatter weight-adjustment curve than the original September 2025 proposal, thereby reducing the compliance advantage available to heavier SUVs. The fleet wide emission targets have been reduced by about 11% year-on-year (YoY) in 2027 and 2031-32.
• The targets: Under the current framework, compliance will be assessed over two annual blocks — an initial three-year period followed by a second block of two years. Fuel consumption is proposed to be tightened from 3.996 litre per 100 km (94.76 gCO₂/km) in 2027-28 to 3.327 litres per 100 km (78.90 gCO₂/km) by 2031-32.
• Carbon Neutrality Factors (CNFs): A key feature of the draft is the Carbon Neutrality Factors (CNFs), which recognise the lower lifecycle carbon footprint of renewable fuels such as ethanol, compressed biogas (CBG) and other biofuels. Under the proposal, manufacturers will be allowed to reduce the declared tailpipe emissions of their vehicles by applying a factor to the fuel consumption values recorded during testing. The target fuel consumption is then assessed for compliance.
• Ethanol concern (linked report): Petrol-pump owners claim ethanol's hygroscopic nature — or affinity to water — is leading to contamination of E20 stock during monsoons and in coastal areas since existing underground storage tanks were designed for conventional petrol, not higher ethanol blends. Corrosion concerns arise because ethanol tends to absorb water from the bottom of the underground tank, some vehicles may end up being dispensed with this water-rich mixture instead of E20.

Context

In a push towards sustainable transport, modern healthcare, and advanced connectivity, PM Narendra Modi is scheduled to visit Haryana, and Punjab on Friday, where he will unveil initiatives valued at over ₹25,000 crore — including flagging off India's first-ever hydrogen-powered fuel-cell train at Jind in Haryana.

Background & Key Facts

• The claim: Designed and integrated indigenously, this 10-coach train is among the world's longest and most powerful hydrogen-fuelled passenger trainsets, powered by a 3,200 horsepower (HP) propulsion system.
• How it works: Unlike traditional trains, it generates its own electricity onboard through a chemical reaction between hydrogen and atmospheric oxygen, leaving behind water vapour as the only emission.
• Significance: The train forms part of India's broader green-hydrogen push and its commitment to net-zero by 2070, offering a zero-emission alternative for non-electrified routes where diesel locomotives currently operate.

Context

Ever since a letter written by 117 eminent Pakistanis and Indians emerged in the public domain, an acrimonious debate has begun on whether India should resume dialogue with its neighbour, with most pointing to the inability of Pakistan to ever live peacefully with India. This opinion piece argues that while conflict has made headlines, quiet cooperation has also shaped India–Pakistan relations.

Background & Key Facts

• Wars with restraint: Every foreign correspondent writing on the India-Pakistan relationship, will frame it with reference to their three wars (1947, 1965, 1971). But few realise that during all three wars, both sides made efforts not to bomb each other's cities and civilian spaces. But there were some targets, such as the church at Ambala that was hit in 1965 as Pakistan tried to target the air base. Military historian Rana Chhina notes that the only serious attack on civilian areas was at Chheerta, hours after a ceasefire was called, but originally meant to target a key radar station in Amritsar.
• The 1971 restraint: Even in 1971, both sides restricted attacks to military targets, including oil-storage units. Official sources in India note that military casualties for all three wars at 8,211, while Pakistan's broad figures point to some 15,000 dead. Yet, no credible sources are available for civilian casualties, though accounts of the war show life going on "courageously" in Pakistani towns, with the same fortitude reported from Amritsar, a flash point in all major wars. Consider that Allied air bombing during the Second World War killed an estimated 3,00,000-6,00,000 civilians in German cities under the new concept of "area bombing". Attacks against just Dresden, with hardly any military value, killed 25,000. Then there was the bombing of Tokyo that killed 1,00,000. Allied planes even mined the seas to deny fishing in "Operation Starvation". Germany was hardly any better, killing thousands but its crimes have been recorded. These by the West are hard to find, but new 'doctrines' of both held human life cheap. In contrast, India and Pakistani militaries kept to a battlefield concept. Once terrorism came into play, all these niceties were set aside. But even as Pakistan suffered terror attacks, including two attempts on General Musharraf's life, in 2003, a third was foiled quietly with Indian intelligence support; that tacitly it acknowledged strong Pakistani action against terrorist groups.
• Fragile bridges: In yet another instance, after 26/11, President Asif Ali Zardari, instructed his ISI Chief General Shuja Pasha to visit Delhi and cooperate in the investigation. This was flatly refused by the then Chief, General Kayani. A year later U.S. Vice-President Joe Biden was telling the British that Mr. Zardari was afraid of "being taken out". Later, the 'Memogate' scandal had Mr. Zardari's fervent appeal for help against the generals. Later, Nawaz Sharif reached out as well, being the first to congratulate Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and attending his inaugural in 2014. Mr. Modi then made a surprise visit to Raiwind for a Sharif family wedding in December 2015. In January 2016, the Pathankot attack happened. This time, Islamabad registered a case for investigation. Less than a year later, Mr. Sharif himself was forced out of office on corruption charges that were never proven. Mr. Modi, and Mr. Bilawal and Manmohan Singh all invested significant political capital in reaching out to Pakistan. All three faced failure, with Manmohan Singh particularly reviled for his efforts.
• The nuclear CBM: Then came the 2005 nuclear confidence-building agreement, which still holds, with the last meeting held in January 2026. In contrast, arms-control agreements between Russia and the U.S. have collapsed. The agreement was tested on March 9, 2022, when India acknowledged that a technical malfunction during routine maintenance led to the accidental firing of a missile into Pakistan. No damage was reported, and Delhi ordered a high-level inquiry.
• The path to cooperation: In 2025, terrorism rose by 34% amid growing unrest in Occupied Kashmir, the tribal areas and Balochistan. Years of military rule have weakened state institutions. Yet, cooperation remains possible in areas such as glacial melt, stubble-burning alternatives and particularly narcotics trafficking, an area where both countries have previously worked together. The key step is for Rawalpindi to demonstrate clearly an end to its support for terrorism. That could even open the way for a renegotiation of the Indus Waters Treaty to mutual benefit.

Context

India's retail inflation breached the RBI's 4% target for the first time under the new CPI series, rising to 4.38% in June from 3.93% in May and about 2.7% a year earlier. This editorial argues rising inflation leaves no room for a cut in interest rates.

Background & Key Facts

• The breach: The latest print reflects a broader pass-through of price pressures that had, until recently, remained concentrated at the producer level, largely driven by spiralling transport and fuel costs since the U.S.-Iran conflict in late February. Consequently, the gap between wholesale and retail inflation has only marginally narrowed.
• WPI vs CPI: Wholesale inflation (WPI), now based on 2022-23, remained elevated at 9.87% in June, up from 9.68% in May. Fuel and power continued to exert the greatest pressure on producers, recording inflation of 27.41%, only marginally lower than May's 28.18%. As India imports nearly 90% of its crude oil requirements, the value of merchandise imports surged to $70.8 billion in June from about $54.1 billion a year earlier, even though import volumes did not rise proportionately. This underscores how imported inflation, amplified by crude prices that briefly crossed $110 a barrel, has driven systemic price pressures across the economy. The rupee's sharp depreciation during the conflict added those pressures, although RBI intervention in the foreign-exchange market helped cushion the fall.
• Transport: The transport category merits closer examination. Transport inflation more than doubled to 4.31% in June from 1.75% in May, while the sub-group "transport services for goods" remained elevated, rising to 7.30%. Another notable pressure point has been restaurants and hotels. Although the government announced a moderate reduction in commercial LPG prices earlier this month, it has done little to offset the steep increases through May and June, when the price of a 19.2 kg commercial cylinder in Delhi climbed to around ₹2,930 before easing marginally. The system-wide impact is also evident in food prices, with the Consumer Food Price Index (CFPI) rising to 5.32% from 4.78% in May.
• Policy implication: "Another significant price pressure on the CFPI that must be factored in is the projection of a deficient southwest monsoon and its impact on agriculture, though the extent will become clearer in the weeks ahead. Meanwhile, despite the Centre more than doubling import duties on gold and silver from 6% to 15% in May, Commerce Ministry data suggest that bullion imports have remained robust amid global uncertainty, contributing to higher jewellery prices and household inflation. Although the ceasefire announced in late June briefly eased crude prices, they have begun rising again. Given continuing geopolitical uncertainty and persistent upstream price pressures, inflation is unlikely to return to the RBI's 4% target soon, leaving no room for a rate cut at the Monetary Policy Committee's August meeting."